In a chilling display of violence against minors from the Dalit community by Islamists, two separate incidents of abduction and rape have rocked Moradabad district in Uttar Pradesh, raising alarm over the safety of the girls in the region. The first case involves a 14-year-old girl kidnapped, tortured, and gang-raped by four men, while the second concerns a 16-year-old girl abducted and assaulted by a lone Islamist. Both incidents, reported within days of each other in late March 2025, have sparked outrage and led to police action, though questions linger about justice and protection as investigations unfold.
Moradabad has long been a flashpoint for Hindu-Muslim tensions, with the infamous 1980 riots serving as a stark reminder of the deep-rooted conflict. Over the years, numerous instances have emerged where Hindus, particularly Dalits, have been targeted by Islamists.
However, the so-called intellectuals and self-proclaimed champions of Dalit rights often turn a blind eye when the perpetrators belong to the Islamist fold. This report not only sheds light on the recent horrifying incidents but also traces the historical trajectory of violence and persecution that has persisted for decades.
Incident 1: 14-year-old girl’s ordeal
The first incident surfaced on March 26, when police at Bhagatpur Police Station revealed the harrowing abduction of a 14-year-old Dalit girl, which occurred nearly three months earlier on January 2, 2025. Station House Officer (SHO) Sanjay Kumar Panchal detailed the complaint lodged by the girl’s family, stating she was snatched while heading to a tailor in broad daylight. Four accused—Salman, Zubair, Rashid, and Arif—allegedly used a car to kidnap her, rendering her unconscious with an intoxicant before spiriting her away to a hidden location.
What followed was a nightmare of captivity and brutality. Held in a room for an unspecified duration, the girl was subjected to repeated gang rapes, according to the SHO. The accused didn’t stop at sexual violence, they tortured her by burning an “Om” tattoo onto her hand with acid and forcibly fed her meat, acts that could carry deep religious or cultural weight intended to degrade her further. Threats of death to her and her family kept her silent during her ordeal.
Later, she was moved to another room in the Bhojpur area, where she remained locked until she managed a daring escape just days before March 26. She fled to her aunt’s home, where her family rallied to report the crime.
Police have since charged the four under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) for kidnapping, rape, and torture, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act given her minor status, and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (SC/ST Act) for targeting her Dalit identity.
On March 25, Salman was arrested and sent to jail, but Zubair, Rashid, and Arif remain on the run. Superintendent of Police (Rural) Kunwar Akash Singh assured that the investigation continues, though the family claims the accused are still intimidating them to drop the case, adding a layer of fear to their pursuit of justice.
Second Incident: 16-year-old raped in broad daylight
Barely days later, on March 30, another Dalit girl, aged 16, became a victim of a similar crime in Moradabad. Police reported that the girl was abducted around 10 a.m. while throwing out garbage outside her home, an everyday task turned into a moment of terror. The accused, identified as Rashid from a village under Thakurdwara Police Station, used his car to kidnap her. Inside the vehicle, he raped her, recorded the assault on his phone, and hurled casteist abuses at her, amplifying the attack with hate.
After the assault, Rashid dumped the girl on a desolate road near a cremation ground outside her village and fled. Her parents, a laborer father and a mother working in the fields, were absent during the incident, leaving her defenseless.
However, a crucial detail led to action: the girl spotted an identity card on the car’s dashboard, revealing Rashid’s name. With this lead, police arrested him on March 28, just two days before the case hit the headlines. He faces charges under the BNS for rape, the SC/ST Act for caste-based abuse, and the POCSO Act due to her age.
A disturbing pattern emerges
These two incidents, though distinct, paint a grim picture of vulnerability for Dalit girls in Moradabad. The 14-year-old endured a prolonged nightmare involving multiple assailants, gang rape, and torture, with only one of four suspects in custody as of March 31. In contrast, the 16-year-old faced a briefer but no less traumatic assault by a single perpetrator, who was nabbed within days. Both cases involved cars as tools of abduction, suggesting premeditation, and featured caste-based elements, torture with a religious symbol in the first, verbal slurs in the second highlighting the intersection of gender and caste violence.
Legally, the response has been robust on paper, with both sets of accused charged under stringent laws. Yet the outcomes differ: three suspects remain at large in the gang-rape case, and the victim’s family lives under threat, while the lone rapist in the second case is behind bars, though his recording of the act raises fears of future coercion.
Voices of authority and concerns
SHO Panchal and SP Singh have emphasised ongoing efforts to resolve the first case, with Singh calling the investigation “active” despite the challenges of tracking down the remaining fugitives. In the second case, police action was decisive, bolstered by the victim’s sharp observation. However, beyond arrests, the broader question looms: Why are Dalit girls in Moradabad so exposed and exploited by Islamists?
Bheem-Meem Unity exposed
Across the country, concerns are growing about grooming jihad and love jihad, where young girls are tricked, trapped, and forced to convert to Islam. The situation in Moradabad is no different. Here, girls, especially from Dalit families are being targeted, manipulated, and exploited with the ultimate goal of converting them. This is not a random occurrence but a planned effort to break communities and take advantage of vulnerable girls.
At the same time, many activists and intellectuals on social media keep promoting the idea of Dalit-Muslim unity, often referred to as “Bheem-Meem” unity. However, the reality on the ground is completely different. Instead of benefiting Dalits, this so-called unity has made Dalit girls easy targets for exploitation. Many of them are lured into relationships under false promises, trapped, and later forced into conversion.
What makes the situation even worse is that many of these crimes go unpunished. Families of victims often face threats and pressure, and even when they seek help, authorities do not always take action. Dalit girls are being used as scapegoats in this dangerous game, while those who claim to fight for their rights remain silent.
Despite repeated cases coming to light, leaders and activists who talk about social justice refuse to address this issue. Their silence shows their double standards. It is time to recognise this harsh truth and ensure that Dalit girls are protected from targeted exploitation disguised as interfaith harmony.
Crimes against Dalits by Islamists
In 2019, Dalits in Peepalsana village, Moradabad, filed complaints with the police and district magistrate against caste-based discrimination by Muslim barbers, who refused to serve them. Dalit elders stated they had faced this discrimination for generations but now sought dignity for their children. Following the complaint, Muslim barbers shut their shops in protest, fearing a loss of customers from their own community. Peepalsana, being a Muslim-majority village, saw strong opposition from locals.
Rakesh Kumar, a Dalit resident, emphasised the need to end untouchability, while Kallan, another elder, claimed their children were mocked for being unable to get haircuts in their own village.
He claimed their children faced difficulties in marriage as they were mocked for not even being able to get haircuts in their own village. Similarly, Anil Kumar, a Dalit youth, highlighted the added hardship of traveling long distances for a basic haircut. He said, “Police intervened, and the barbers agreed to serve us, but now they have shut their shops. Our problem must be resolved.”
Muslim barbers and residents defended their stance, stating Dalits traditionally visited salons in nearby Bhojpur and had never sought services locally. Naushad, a local, claimed he had never seen a Dalit take a haircut in their shops in 45 years.
A look at the history of Moradabad and famous 1980 riots
Moradabad had a long history of Hindu-Muslim tensions, with communal riots dating back to 1848 and 1872. Electoral ward boundaries in the 1880s were manipulated to ensure Muslim dominance in the municipal body, leading to resentment among Hindus. In the 1930s, the Muslim League gained traction in the city, and a local leader, Qazi Taslim Husain, turned the Islamic Musafir Khana into a hub for separatist politics. Hindu organisations like Arya Samaj and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) responded by forming akharas (training centers) to counter Muslim political movements. Communal violence erupted again in January 1948 following the Partition and reoccurred in 1978 in Sambhal, a part of Moradabad district.
Tensions had been simmering between Hindus and Muslims since March 1980 when a Dalit girl was kidnapped by a Muslim man. Although she was later rescued and her abductor arrested, hostility between the two communities remained high. In July, a Dalit wedding procession was obstructed by some Muslims for playing loud music near a mosque, leading to violent clashes and property damage.
On 13 August, a pig from a Dalit colony entered the Idgah, where around 50,000 Muslims were offering Eid prayers. Believing it to be a deliberate act by Dalits, some in the Muslim congregation demanded the police remove the pig. When a policeman refused, tensions escalated, and stone-pelting ensued. The Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) was injured, and Additional District Magistrate (ADM) D. P. Singh was dragged away and later found dead. In response, the police, reinforced by the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC), opened fire on the crowd, killing many. Around 50 more people died in the resulting stampede. The Muslim leader Syed Shahabuddin likened the police firing to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre.
The Riots of 1980
The violence that followed took a brutal turn. Enraged Muslim mobs attacked Dalit slums, looted homes, and assaulted police officers. A PAC constable was burned alive, and the Galshaheed police outpost was set on fire, killing two policemen and looting arms. The next day, 14 August, the Jamaat-e-Islami convened Muslim leaders to condemn the violence, but by then, the riots had spread to rural Moradabad and even Aligarh. The Indian Army was deployed, and by 2 September, the situation was largely contained, though sporadic violence continued until November. Notably, on Raksha Bandhan in September, fresh riots erupted, and a stabbing spree in October resulted in 14 deaths.
The riots occurred under the Congress government led by Chief Minister V. P. Singh. Union Minister Yogendra Makwana blamed the RSS, Jan Sangh, and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), while Prime Minister Indira Gandhi suggested “foreign forces” (hinting at Pakistan) were involved. The Times of India editor Girilal Jain criticised Muslim leaders for failing to acknowledge the role of anti-social elements within their community and supported Indira Gandhi’s “foreign hand” theory. BJP leader L. K. Advani blamed Muslim organisations for the violence.
Judicial Inquiry and Findings
The Uttar Pradesh government appointed Justice M. P. Saxena of the Allahabad High Court to investigate the riots. His report, submitted in May 1983, blamed Muslim leaders and V. P. Singh for the violence. However, successive governments did not make the report public until 2020. The 496-page report indicted Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) leader Dr. Shamim Ahmed Khan and his supporters for instigating the riots. It justified the police firing as self-defense and dismissed allegations of RSS, BJP, or Dalit involvement. The report stated that Shamim Khan spread rumors about pigs being deliberately released into the Idgah, which incited violence against police stations and Hindu localities.
BJP MP and journalist M. J. Akbar, in his book Riot After Riot, described the incident as “a cold-blooded massacre of Muslims by a communal police force,” suggesting that the police covered up their actions by portraying it as a Hindu-Muslim riot. Meanwhile, Economic and Political Weekly correspondent Krishna Gandhi blamed a group of criminals, allegedly supported by Muslim League leaders, for initiating the riots, adding that the police excesses were in retaliation for Muslim attacks.
The riots caused a significant loss of life, with official reports citing 83 deaths, while unofficial estimates went as high as 2,500. The city’s brassware industry, a major economic sector, suffered heavy losses in production and exports. The riots remain one of the most violent communal clashes in post-independence India, with lingering political and social repercussions.
The history of Moradabad and Hindu-Muslim relations is a complex tapestry woven with threads of tension and periodic eruptions of violence, often exacerbated by socio-political and communal fault lines. The recent incidents of March 2025, involving the abduction, rape, and torture of two Dalit girls by Islamist perpetrators, cast a stark light on the persistent vulnerabilities of marginalised communities, particularly Dalit girls, in this region. These chilling acts of violence are not isolated but resonate with a deeper historical pattern of mistrust and hostility that has plagued Moradabad for over a century.
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