West Bengal Assembly Elections: The goal of saving the civilisation
October 10, 2026
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Home Bharat

West Bengal Assembly Elections: The goal of saving the civilisation

Prafulla KetkarPrafulla Ketkar
May 11, 2026, 02:00 pm IST
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“Today, 18 May 2014, may well go down in history as the day when Britain finally left India. Narendra Modi’s victory in the elections marks the end of a long era in which the structures of power did not differ greatly from those through which Britain ruled the subcontinent. India under the Congress party was in many ways a continuation of the British Raj by other means. The last of midnight’s children are now a dwindling handful of almost 70-year-olds, but it is not the passing of the independence generation that makes the difference”
–Editorial, The Guardian (London), “India: another tryst with destiny”, May 18, 2014, while commenting on the results of the 2014 General Elections and PM Narendra Modi-led BJP coming to power

 

Twelve years ago, the London-based publication The Guardian in its editorial described the decisive victory of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections as ‘Another Tryst with Destiny’ for Bharat. Now, with the same BJP trouncing Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal, retaining Assam for the third consecutive time, making an entry into Keralam, and seeing Tamil Nadu emerge from the traditional Dravidian rivalry, the media will have to find new, more expansive descriptions and adjectives to define the phenomenon. Yes, it is a victory for the BJP and a loss for the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress, but it is something more than that for West Bengal and Bharat.

The first Partition of Bengal on religious lines was a shocker for the British. Since then, they injected both the religious divide through the Muslim League and linguistic identity-based sub-nationalism. From 1937 onwards, Bengal has been the victim of radicalism and political violence. Congress succumbed to the pressure of the Muslim League, ideologically recognised the curtailing of Vande Mataram, silently tolerated Huseyn Suhrawardy’s brutal Prime Ministership, killing thousands of Hindus and leading to the partition of Bharat. In this entire process, again, the Bengal region lost the maximum number of people and heritage to the radical Islamists. Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee had the vision to save the Western part of Bengal and the Hindu residents, and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar took a principled position on Jawaharlal Nehru’s neglect of the Eastern front.

After Independence, Congress continued with an apathetic attitude towards the plight of Hindus, and Communists used the forcefully migrated Hindu population from East Pakistan as cannon fodder in their ‘class struggle’. The ploy was to change the demography continued by Pakistan, and later, Islamists kept supporting illegal migration from Bangladesh. Both the Communist and Congress Governments either neglected or encouraged this, falling prey to the vote-bank appeasement politics. The condition of Hindus continued to be despicable. The ‘Bengali identity’ card was used to satisfy the regional identity and aspirations, while neglecting the basic issues of governance and development. Anti-Delhi politics is a convenient tool for the regional parties to maintain their dynastic, caste-ridden, linguistic strongholds and continue with the corrupt governance practices. In Bengal, local criminal elements managed the infamous ‘cut-money’ system.

Bengal, along with Assam, being the bordering States, the issue of misgovernance and illegal infiltration undermined the security concerns. The indigenous rights and traditions were compromised. The neglect of the local population led to various militant movements. Counterfeit currency, drug trafficking, arms supply and terror activities naturally get free ground in such a scenario. When Prime Minister Modi and the BJP decided to fight against the decline of Bengal from its status as the intellectual, cultural, and economic epicentre of Bharat, it was not just a political battle but a civilisational one. Not that efforts were not made earlier by the nationalist forces. Many organisations, individuals, and their families, especially, inspired by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), made many sacrifices to save the State and its culture. The commitment, conviction and calculated patient strategy finally breached the fortress created with the politicisation and criminalisation of the State machinery.

The story of Assam is historical in many ways. After winning the second battle of Saraighat in 2016, the BJP delivered the promises and ensured peace and development for the common Assamese. Winning the Assembly Elections for the third consecutive time with a thumping majority marks a major shift in the politics of Northeastern Bharat.

The mandates of Tamil Nadu and Keralam are also meaningful. People of Tamil Nadu were looking for reprieve from the traditional Dravidian politics, again marred by dynastic corruption, institutionalised criminalisation, and the politics of negation. As of now, they have found an option in actor-turned-politician Vijay Joseph. People are unclear about his ideology and programme, but they want to depart from the same rhetorical, anti-Delhi, anti-Hindu politics of Dravidian parties, and the 2026 election has clearly given that message. Keralam returned to the old cycle of changing the Governments between LDF and UDF. Yet, the message is loud and clear for the Kerala-limited Communist parties. The Communist model of Government is no longer acceptable, and the hypocrisy of Communist leaders is exposed. The decimation of Communist parties is imminent in Keralam as well, paving the way for the BJP to consolidate the nationalist votes.

In another round of elections, Congress has proved that Muslim consolidation and espousing ultra-Left ideology is its new strategy to survive. Twenty out of twenty- one MLAs on Congress tickets in West Bengal and Assam are Muslims. Only because of the Muslim League’s support, the UDF could return to power in Keralam. After being responsible for the Partition of the country on religious lines, Congress continues with the appeasement of Islamists. The Government formation in alliance with the Muslim League will not be an easy task for the faction-ridden Congress in Keralam. In Tamil Nadu, ironically, after playing second fiddle to Dravidian parties for more than five decades, and now after contesting the election in alliance with DMK, Congress going with TVK in Government formation is nothing but a sign of organisational decline and ideological confusion.

The power of the Muslim veto has declined across Bharat over the period of time. The awakening of the common masses about our culture and heritage automatically reduces the influence of fundamentalist, radical and communal politics in the name of secularism. The 2026 Assembly Elections underscored the fact that if Hindus are awakened and decide to exercise their national duty, they can defeat the most brutal and ruthless regime.

The journey to free the nation from colonial baggage continues. The battle is not just electoral but intellectual and cultural. Avoiding social fragmentation on any count and ensuring cultural unity while celebrating diversity are key fundamentals that all sections of society must internalise. Then only regions, languages, caste, sects, etc., cannot be exploited as faultlines by the anti-Bharat forces. For the ‘British’ to completely leave Bharat, decolonisation of our minds, intellect, policies, and institutions is essential to pave the way for renationalisation. The journey towards complete liberation of the national psyche continues. May 16, 2014, was a landmark date in advancing that process; now, May 4, 2026, has become another milestone.

 

Topics: 2026 Assembly ElectionsAnti-Hindu politicsTamil Nadu and KeralamBJP delivered the promisesLDF and UDFBharatiya Janata PartyMuslimpartition of Bengalbjp in bengal
Prafulla Ketkar
Prafulla Ketkar
Prafulla Ketkar, is the Editor, Organiser (Weekly) since 2013. He has a experience of over 20 years in the fields of research, media and academics. He is also Advisory Committee School of Journalism, Delhi University. He has been writing on issues related to International politics and foreign policy, with special reference to China and Democracy, Hindutva, and Bharatiya Civilisation. He was also a member of the Editorial team of the recently published Complete Works of Pt Deendayal Ji in 15 Volumes. He has 2 books, 29 academic articles, 2 entries in Encyclopedia of India and numerous articles to his credit. [Read more]
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