“Victory or defeat is not important, but the fight itself is everything”
–Subhash Chandra Bose

This famous quote by Subhash Chandra Bose sits perfectly with the elections just concluded in West Bengal. But the fight mentioned here is not just the political fight that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had to endure. There was another fight, or a revolution, taking place silently in Bengal. No loud words, no protests; this revolution simply exercised its right and brought about a change; no one anticipated it, not even the winners. This is Bengal’s story of liberation and those who brought it to reality.

Over the past few decades, Bengal had slowly and steadily moved into a black hole. The land of Rabindranath Tagore, who wrote the famous ‘Where the mind is without fear,’ was becoming infamous for being quiet, or rather silent. Incidents happened, tragedies shook the State, but there remained an eerie silence. Those who tried to speak were given such treatment that they could never speak again. If this looks imaginary, go and read our coverage on the 2021 post-poll violence, Sandeshkhali mass rapes, Murshidabad violence, attacks on Hindu festival processions, and the list goes on and on. So, this time the tactic changed. The goal was clear – taking the tyrannical Trinamool Congress (TMC) out. And what followed was a mandate: the political party founded by the son of Bengal, Syama Prasad Mookerjee, received a clear welcome from Bengal’s voters.

This election was about identity, cultural survival, self-respect and just politics. Senior BJP leaders, in their election speeches, repeatedly said it’s not just an electoral battle but a civilisational one for them.

Over the past 15 years, West Bengal’s politics have changed significantly. TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee came to power promising “Poriborton” or change, but remained in the news for corruption, political violence, women’s safety, religious tensions, and the exodus of industries from the State. Little did she know that all the wrongs she had done were being noted by the voters of Bengal. Team Organiser went to the ground before and after the polls, and covered each issue on the list one by one.

Syndicate Raj stops here…!

“Sir party wale, har hafte hamse paisa wasoolte the, free me chaat bhi khate the. Is bar BJP ko vote die the, shayad in sabse ab mukti mil jaae…” (The people from that party used to extort money from us every week and even eat chaat for free. This time we voted for the BJP, hoping we might finally get rid of all this)

While moving through the streets of Kolkata on the eve of the Assembly Election results, a chaat vendor interacted with, Organiser, with disappointment in his eyes and expectation in his voice. Over the last fifteen years, the TMC rule brought a new pattern to Bengal. Cut money and syndicate raj had become synonymous with the State, all happening under the nose of the Mamata Government. In these elections, BJP’s top leadership, including Union Home Minister Amit Shah, party’s National President Nitin Nabin, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, made “cut money” and “syndicate raj” central issues, accusing the TMC Government of fostering a culture of corruption and extortion that eventually paralysed development in the State. At most of his rallies, PM Modi made a point of promising to “uproot the syndicate” and replace it with a “Sonar Bangla”.

Even during the Communist era, this was not common. In many places, local TMC workers allow shopkeepers or builders to work only after extorting money. This money was used to fund party activities, not just for personal use. Even those doing legal work had to pay extra just to get things done in the State. This level of hooliganism, sponsored and encouraged directly by the State Government, had become a headache for the people.

The syndicate raj menace of TMC affects not only street vendors but even the educated class of the State.We encountered a customer named Pritam Dutta inside a famous coffee shop. When asked about how the syndicate Raj had affected the State, Dutta looked down while sipping coffee and said, “Now that the BJP has won, I hope corruption will be a thing of the past. We were completely fed up.”

Incumbent shown the door

After decades of Left rule, people believed that they brought Mamata to power for “poriborton,” occurred in the State during the Left’s rule, and voters expected a change. After her fierce fight in Singur, people looked to Mamata with hope, and she seemed a fresh face in the politics of Bengal, affected by the rust on the sickle. However, after winning the polls for the first time in 2016, people sat and waited for her to bring a change, but the only thing that changed was the financial status of her party and his aides. According to critics, she left no sector uncorrupted. Whether it was the Narada scam, the Saradha scam, or the teacher recruitment scam, corruption was everywhere. Many TMC leaders even went to jail.

Corruption is not new to politics and is mostly sidelined by voters during polls, as was the case in the Jharkhand 2024 Assembly polls, where Hemant Soren made a comeback with a massive victory despite the corruption charges he was facing and the fact that he was in jail during the polls. The disappointment among the voters in Bengal was the lack of development in the State, from infrastructure to better education and basic healthcare. One can understand the level of frustration among the voters through a conversation we had with a man who pointed out a huge hole on the main road and said, “Road nahi banwati, khaali gaddha hi bhardeti reti se, usme bhi vote mil jata.” This was the level of frustration that had taken hold among voters in Bengal. A lethargic Government, which did nothing right but everything wrong.

Dignity over money

One factor that really became a major challenge for the BJP to break was the women’s vote bank. Traditionally, women vote en masse for the BJP in other States; however, that was not the case in Bengal. In the 2021 Assembly Elections, TMC got 20 per cent more votes from women from the economically weaker section than the BJP. Three factors really helped Mamata – one was her being projected as a strong female face, the second was the Lakshmir Bhandar Scheme and the third was Self Help Groups, closely monitored by TMC party workers. This vote bank seemed to be unshaken, but Mamata made a mistake. She offered money to women, but in return, she took their dignity, and that was the final nail in the coffin.

A day before the first phase of polling, while passing through Naxalbari, Organiser team spoke to a homemaker named Usha Basak Ghosh (34) whose husband runs a confectionery shop. The couple had voted for TMC in the past elections, and Usha even gets her share of Rs 1,500 per month, but when we asked her whether Mamata didi is her choice this time too, she said, “I don’t feel safe anymore. We saw what happened to women in Sandeshkhali and Murshidabad. Didi even tried to safeguard the culprit of the RG Kar Hospital case. What is the point of all this money if  I don’t feel safe?”

When Mamata Banerjee first took office in 2011, the Park Street case happened. At that time, many thought the new Government should be given time to improve. But nothing really changed; in some of the cases, TMC members were directly linked. In Sandeshkhali, TMC strongman Shahjahan Sheikh reportedly raped multiple women, but Mamata remained mum. In the RG Kar Hospital case, her leader was allegedly involved directly, but instead of taking action, she advised women not to leave the house after 8 pm! Mamata Banerjee offered financial assistance through schemes, but for women’s dignity and safety, the issue had become bigger than any amount.

Hindus united against TMC’s appeasement politics

“Jey goru dudh dey, tar lathi khawa uchit (I am ready to be kicked by the cow that gives milk)”. This one sentence summarises Mamata’s appeasement politics at best. In the quote above, Muslims are referred to as ‘cows’ and Mamata didi had no qualms in getting kicked by these ‘cows’ in return for milk or votes in this case. There is one thing called soft appeasement, which many political parties do, but imagine making this statement during a press conference, and that too just months before the elections.

We all remember how Hindus were targeted in Murshidabad when the protest over the WAQF Amendment Bill took an ugly turn in 2025. This wasn’t the first case; in the last 15 years, communal tensions and riots have become a norm in Bengal. Asansol, Murshidabad, Malda, Kaliachak, Kolkata, and Howrah all fell victim to this. Every year, we hear news stories regarding attacks on Durga Puja pandals and Ram Navami processions, but Mamata didn’t move an inch to help Hindus.

Hindus in Bengal started asking why they had to keep approaching the court to celebrate their festivals and for Dharmic processions in their own state. Ironically, a TMC supporter in the Bhabanipur constituency told Organiser, “Though I work for TMC, this time I, along with my friends, will vote for BJP. Mamata does Muslim appeasement politics. Yeh log Musalmanon ke lie Hindu ki bali dete hain (These people sacrifice Hindus for Muslims). If TMC wins this time as well, they will teach the BJP a lesson. They have planned violence like in 2021. Who was the victim in 2021? It was Hindu women who were raped. It was Hindus who were murdered. It was Hindus whose houses were set on fire.”

This feeling against TMC didn’t arise overnight, but after years and years of being overlooked by their own State Government. Even after the court agreed to Hindus carrying a procession, there was no certainty of safety and security. As a result, many voters, including TMC supporters, felt that, to overcome fear and protect their Dharma and cultural identity, they needed political change. This, among many other reasons, drives Hindus to consolidate their votes for the BJP. This sentiment was reflected clearly this time, especially in the constituencies where they had fallen short in 2021 by 10,000 to 20,000 votes.

“Bhadralok washed Their sins by voting for BJP this time”

This election challenged the old idea that the BJP is not accepted by Bengal’s “bhadralok” or educated middle class. This narrative was not only famous in Bengal but also found appreciators in the Delhi media. But these election results narrate a different story altogether. Former Rajya Sabha MP and BJP leader Swapan Dasgupta won the Rashbehari seat with a huge margin, becoming a symbol of this mega shift. The educated urban Bengalis, who were once seen as distant from the BJP, shifted. This time, the BJP won 6 of 11 seats in the Kolkata region, which is the turf of the so-called ‘bhadralok.’

In an attempt to understand what really happened, we spoke to Arpita Banerjee, an administrative executive working at a private firm, who shares her opinion, “It is a common belief that Bengali bhadralok is against the BJP or RSS. This 2026 election verdict has shown that even the Bengali bhadralok community wanted a change from the tyrannical reign of TMC. I am a part of this community, and I can safely say that since the reign of the Communist Party, we have been waiting for progress in our State. Factors such as an unreliable law-and-order situation, a lack of opportunities for young people, and poor civic amenities immediately affect every citizen, including the elite.”

When asked why the BJP and not the Left, she said, “Our friends in other States, like Gujarat and UP, where the BJP has a stronghold, have told us stories of progress and development. These success stories in other States, the party’s engagement during the last campaign phase, and utter disgust with the current regime have brought about this landslide victory. We can now finally breathe a sigh of relief.”

“It seems that Bhadralok washed its sins by voting for the BJP this time,” she laughed.

Boots on round, fear off the ground

“Main akele 70 votes Trinamool ke liye manga karta tha, jo is baar security forces ke karan nahin ho paaya” (I used to for 70 votes alone for TMC, which could not happen this time because of the security forces.) In a very grim voice, our driver Gautam, whom we had hired during election coverage in the State, told us.

When the Election Commission (EC) deployed around 2500 companies of central forces in the State just before the elections, the news spread like a wildfire, and so the question, “Is this Bengal or Kashmir?” For someone who has never visited Bengal to cover elections, terms like Chhapa might sound like political gimmicks. But in fact, it’s as real as the “Macher Bhat” for lunch in a common Bengali household. The term came up to us multiple times during conversations with people of different ages and genders.

According to locals, this method of fake voting was also common during Communist rule, but became a prominent means of hijacking elections under the TMC Government. A college girl, who voted for the first time in 2021, told us, “When I went to vote at 2 pm, the officer told me, ‘beta ghar jao, vote pad gya hai.’

This practice of fake voting was prominent not only in rural areas but in the heart of the national capital. To curb this, EC set up voting booths within societies this time, safely guarded by central forces, so that no one can be either pressurised to vote for a specific candidate and no Chhapa can take place. Joydeep Sen, a lawyer practising at the Kolkata High Court, appreciating the step, told Organiser, “EC’s decision has ensured that many people who earlier used to avoid going to polling stations, fearing harassment by TMC goons on the way, could fearlessly cast their votes, especially women.”

Besides, Chhapa, the ‘boots on round’ also gave the confidence to voters to vote fearlessly. Playing a major role in conducting free and fair elections, the EC even launched new photo identity cards with QR codes for persons authorised to enter counting halls, including officials and candidates. The initiatives bore fruit, resulting in the highest voting percentage in the state’s history.

SC-ST mandate turned into dominance

The BJP successfully converted support from Dalits and tribes into a cornerstone of its mandate in these elections. Of the 68 SC seats, the BJP won 51, a commanding 75 per cent, leaving the TMC with only 17. The tribal shift was even more emphatic: BJP swept all 16 ST seats, securing a uniform mandate from North Bengal to Junglemahal’s forest belt. In total, the party captured 67 of 84 SC/ST seats, wiping out other contenders in segments that were fragmented and hotly contested just five years ago.

From Gangotri to Gangasagar, lotus is blooming: PM Modi

“Last year, on November 14, when the results of the Bihar elections were announced, I had said to all of you from this very place, from the BJP headquarters, that the sacred Ganga flows beyond Bihar all the way to Gangasagar. And today, with this victory in Bengal, from Gangotri to Gangasagar, it is lotus all the way. Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and now West Bengal, today, in these States situated around Maa Ganga, there is a BJP-NDA Government,” said Prime Minister Narendra Modi while addressing the Karyakartas at BJP headquarters on May 4.

While emphasising upon strength of democracy, he said, “Victory and defeat are a natural part of democracy and electoral politics. But the people of five States have shown the entire world why our Bharat is the Mother of Democracy. Today, not only has Bharat’s democracy won. Bharat’s Constitution has also won today. Our constitutional institutions have won…our democratic processes have won. Along with Ganga ji, we have also received immense blessings from the Brahmaputra. We have received the blessings of Maa Kamakhya.”

Mentioning the founder of Jan Sangh Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, PM Modi said, “Today, as a BJP worker, one more thought is coming to my mind again and again and that thought is how much peace the soul of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee must have felt today. In 1951, by founding the Jana Sangh, he gave every worker the message that one must live for the nation and die for the nation. Through his life, he proved that those who walk with the mantra of nation first…do not hesitate even for a moment in giving up their lives. Dr Mookerjee had fought a major battle to keep West Bengal a part of Bharat. The dream of a strong and prosperous Bengal that he had seen…that dream had been waiting for fulfillment for many decades. Today, on May 4, 2026…the people of Bengal have given us BJP workers that opportunity.”

“A new chapter has been added to Bengal’s destiny from today. From today, Bengal has become free from fear. It has become filled with the confidence of development. Along with this victory, on the occasion of 150 years of Vande Mataram, the people of Bengal have sent their respectful salutations to Bharat Mata and to Rishi Bankim ji. The voters have also paid historic tribute to Yogiraj Sri Aurobindo. Standing at the threshold of this great victory, we are also remembering Gurudev Tagore. Our resolve too should be the same as his dream an environment where the mind is without fear and the head is held high. And the BJP will create such a fear-free environment in Bengal. This is Modi’s guarantee,” he further added.

The surge was driven by two clear undercurrents. First, Matua consolidation across border districts like Nadia and North 24 Parganas delivered decisive gains in SC-dominated seats from Bangaon to Ranaghat. Second, tribal voters in Purulia, Bankura, Jhargram, and Alipurduar districts moved en masse to the BJP, rewarding its focus on forest rights, language recognition, and local leadership. For a party that managed only a handful of reserved seats in 2021, the 2026 outcome reflects a deep social penetration, turning SC-ST voters from swing segments into a strong, stable pillar of the BJP’s dominance in Bengal.

Political analysts argue that the issue surrounding President Droupadi Murmu’s protocol, which played out in March this year, marked a critical emotional juncture, shifting the electoral debate away from welfare towards representation.

The controversy erupted when the venue of the presidential visit was switched from Bidhannagar to Gossainpur, which is farther away than the original location. Moreover, Murmu’s statement: “Is Mamata (my younger sister) angry with me?” coupled with the fact that no high-ranking State Government representatives were there to officially welcome President Murmu made the situation even more serious.

The Ghost of SIR

‘N’ Number of reasons led to Mamata’s defeat in Bengal, but not the one she had cried about. And that is SIR…

Just after the SIR process was initiated in the State, Mamata Banerjee-led TMC started making a hue and cry over it. Mamata’s press conferences and later election rallies were filled with allegations of a conspiracy by the Centre to delete rightful voters in the garb of SIR. She kept saying that the voters who were deleted would have a major effect on her vote bank, but what really happened?

Data provided by EC shows that SIR deletions affected BJP and TMC equally. On 49 seats, the winning margin was less than the SIR deletions. Out of 49 seats, the BJP won 26, the TMC won 21, and the Congress won 2.

Mamata’s theory falls flat even in the Muslim-dominated seats. 39 Assembly constituencies had elected Muslim MLAs in the 2011, 2016 and 2021 assembly polls. 34 of these constituencies have elected a Muslim MLA this time as well. Interesting by TMC has secured 13 of these seats, according to data from Indian Matrix, which has mapped 20 SIR-deletion constituencies.

In pre-result interviews, BJP leaders had indicated that Mamata had made a huge mistake by making SIR an election issue. Speaking exclusively to Organiser, Agnimitra Paul, the newly elected BJP MLA from Asansol South, had said that Mamata is only using SIR as an excuse. This thought was seconded by the BJP’s Rashbehari candidate, Swapan Dasgupta, who called it just an act of deflection from bigger issues. Well, Mamata read it all wrong and lost the polls. However, along with TMC, the divisive and appeasement politics being pursued by the party in the State also faced a defeat. After speaking with many voters, we understood one thing: people want to move past 15 years of fear and intimidation. For the BJP, this win is not just a political achievement but also a tribute to Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, whose 125th birth anniversary is being celebrated this year.