In a candid conversation, Organiser Weekly’s Senior Assistant Editor Nishant Kumar Azad interacts with Chhattisgarh Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister Vijay Sharma in Raipur to discuss the recent crackdown on Maoist insurgency where he asserted that there is no area in Chhattisgarh that is safe for Naxals. Sharma also highlighted that security operations along with development schemes is the key in freeing villages from Maoist grip. Excerpts:
While security forces are conducting intense operations against Maoists, recently in a retaliatory action, an Additional SP was martyred.
Akash Rao Giripunje was an enthusiastic and courageous officer who always led from the front, whether setting up camps quickly or leading search operations. He even refused a transfer, saying, “Transfer me only after Red Terror is eliminated.” Officers like him work with such resolve that they’re willing to sacrifice everything for the nation’s security. Such determination ensures that the mission will be fulfilled. Every incident leaves an impact; what matters is how it shapes the future. His martyrdom will only strengthen commitment of our forces.
Basavaraju Rao, then Sudhakar, two big commanders, were neutralised recently. Now the most talked Maoist is Madvi Hidma. What is the plan to neutralise him?
There is no individual strategy. But if they choose to plant IEDs, block Bastar’s development, hold its people hostage, and deny youth of its basic progress, we will not allow them to continue. Our forces are doing their job, and they have adapted so well that the jungle is now their home. They will pull Maoists out even from ten feet underground.
The Centre has removed Bastar and five other districts from the LWE list, but Abujhmad remains a Maoist stronghold—how are you addressing that?
Our forces have entered deep into the area, carried out search operations, and eliminated General Secretary Basavaraju. The stronghold now belongs to the forces. While a few scattered Maoists remain in isolated spots, the earlier concentrated presence is gone.
With BJP Government at the Centre and in the Maoist affected States, how essential is inter-state coordination in countering the Maoist threat?
Our DRG lacked weapons, so I requested the Union Home Minister for snipers and AK-47s. Within 20 days, we got them. When Centre and state work in sync, results follow. Today, we get support from DRDO, NSG, NTRO, ITBP, and even ISRO. Joint forces and operations are active, and we also operate across state borders. Coordination is strong overall, though a couple of states still need to improve.
How has the use of modern technology helped deal with Maoists?
Modern tech helps, but human intelligence is even more crucial. It allows for more precise operations, especially in jungle terrain where using tools like ground-penetrating radar or drones is challenging. While technology is used, the primary reliance remains on human-based intelligence.
If we look at the entire Maoist movement, it mainly runs on two things – money and arms. What is the government doing to dismantle this support system?
We have taken multiple steps. A special unit now tracks financial trails of Naxals. We are profiling their funding sources and blocking them. For example, tendu leaf collection, once exploited by contractors linked to Maoists, was 100 per cent handled by the government this time. Contractors were warned: take police help or face UAPA if you deal with Maoists. This move stopped the flow of funds.As for weapons, we are probing how they procure them, often from traitors within. In every operation now, we recover arms and trace their origins. After Basavaraju’s death, we found weapons looted during the Tadmetla incident. Such tracking helps cut off their arms supply too.
The Government has launched the ‘Elvad Panchayat’ scheme, declaring some panchayats Maoist-free. Can you explain the initiative?
The Elvad Panchayat scheme encourages local dialogue—public representatives like Sarpanch talk directly with active Maoists in their villages to bring them back under the government’s rehabilitation policy. If a panchayat succeeds in this, it gets Rs 1 crore for development—roads, buses, mobile towers, etc. Badesatti in Sukma was the first, and now Keralapenda is set to follow.
With Maoist influence shrinking, some say peace talks are just a delay tactic. What are the chances of revival?
We work with a clear goal—both Centre and state want a peaceful resolution. If Maoists want, talks can happen but it will be unconditional. Armed Maoism will come to an end, and further we will counter its foreign ideology through public awareness. Democracy must prevail.
Critics say that current development initiatives in the Bastar region help corporates and harm forests and tribals. How do you respond?
Forests existed long before Maoists. Even today, forest-rich states like Uttarakhand, Himachal, and Kerala thrive without them. We support a Bastar-specific model focused on local participation. More and more people should participate in this. The education system should expand so much that in 15 years, the locals themselves manage their future. Allegations are just attempts to spread confusion and weaken morale of people and security forces.
Many people ask what will happen to the camps once their security purpose is over. What is the government’s plan for them?
The security camps that are currently being set up or have already been set up are now gradually transforming into development and utility centres. In the future, some of these camps will also be converted into police stations. But I believe that most of them will be repurposed as centres for the collection, processing, and marketing of minor forest produce in these regions. These places will also be used by local panchayats and administrative bodies.
