Mewat region in Haryana has had a notorious reputation but this was recognised again, particularly after Nuh made headlines nearly a year ago for one of the region’s largest communal riots. During the “Brijmandal Jalabhishek Yatra,” thousands of Hindus gathered in the town were attacked, primarily by Muslims, including members of the Meo community. Gunshots were fired, stones were pelted, and vehicles were set ablaze. Hindus were forced to sought refuge in the Nalhard Mahadev Temple, where the Jalabhishek was to take place. The rise in radicalism, frequent jamaat activities, cattle smuggling, and cyber fraud were all cited as potential reasons for the targeted attack. Within a week of the incident, Hindus were once again allowed into the temple, and the government claimed that normalcy had been restored.
During the coverage of the Haryana Assembly Elections, Organiser visited Mewat, with a special focus on the Nuh district, to assess whether the situation had indeed returned to normal. To our surprise, it had not. Hindus living in the region were unwilling to speak about the incident, whether on or off the record. We delved deeper, travelling to the village interiors, uncovering a grim picture of how Hindus manage to survive in areas where Muslims form the majority. The following report includes details from our visit on September 26, 2024.
Nalhard Shiv Mandir then v/s now
The journey began with a cab ride from Delhi to Nuh district. Upon reaching the city, we asked for directions to the Nalhard temple, and upon arrival, we saw that the temple was heavily guarded by CRPF personnel. While we initially assumed this presence was a result of last year’s attack, we later confirmed that they were stationed there for election duty. The temple itself was nearly empty, with only two or three visitors. We approached the priest for a comment on the violence, but he declined to speak. Other staff members at the temple also refused to identify themselves. However, an elderly man resting on a charpoy, who introduced himself as Manmohan Lal Mishra, agreed to speak. He mentioned that his son, Pankaj Mishra, had been appointed as the new priest after the attack. Beyond this, the temple staff offered no further information regarding the violence.
The temple, surrounded by hills on three sides, is stunningly beautiful, even with temperatures ranging between 30-35 degrees Celsius, cool breeze fills the area. The temple or garbhagrih, was equally divine. Since the temple staff remained silent, Organiser turned to the visitors, and one of them agreed to speak on camera.
Sandeep, as he identified himself, recounted the day of the attack. “I was at the temple on July 31, 2023,” he began. “There was gunfire, stones were being thrown from all sides, and provocative slogans like ‘Nara-e-Takbeer’ were being shouted. The attack was pre-planned; as stones had already been placed on rooftops. They were targeting vehicles and individuals they identified as Hindus. Cars with flags were set on fire, and around 150 to 200 vehicles were torched.”
Regarding cattle smuggling in the area, Sandeep added, “I am a Gaurakshak myself and have been involved in this for some time. This region is notorious for the illegal beef trade; it’s a common practice here.”
Election mood in Nuh
On our way to the temple, we also passed by an election rally for Congress candidate Aftab Ahmed, where we spoke with his supporters. Mostly Muslims, they were confident of Congress’s victory in the region. One supporter, Zakir Mohammad, said, “The main issues in Nuh are unemployment, education, and infrastructure.” Abrar Ahmed, a BSc Agriculture student and first-time voter, echoed this sentiment, stating that his vote would go to Congress as the BJP had done little for Nuh.
It is noteworthy that the region has been represented by either Congress or the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) since 1967. The election results show that Congress won in 1968, 1985, 1991, 1996, 2009, and 2019, while INLD had victories in 1987, 2000, and 2014. Despite this, locals continue to blame the BJP for the region’s lack of development.
While Muslims in the region were outspoken about their concerns and needs, the Hindus, on the other hand, remained largely silent, driven by a palpable sense of fear that deterred them from speaking out. We visited a village located roughly a kilometre from the temple. The village consisted of about 10 to 12 homes, some made of mud (kuccha) and others of brick (pucca). The residents were busy with their household chores, while those who appeared to be free seemed to be pretending to stay occupied.
Silence and fear under the carpet
As we passed a few houses, we entered one where two women were sitting outside. In the background, a younger woman was working at the gas stove. Upon realising that we were from the media, the man of the house, Sunil Singh (name changed), asked us to put away our phones and cameras before allowing us to sit. Soon, his daughter brought us glasses of water, and the conversation began.
From our detailed conversation over a cup of tea, here’s what we found significant for our readers:
The man recalled the day of the attack, explaining how his wife had been alone at home during the violence. His wife added that the attackers seemed to focus their rage on vehicles and the Hindus who had come from outside the area. Reflecting on her past experiences, she admitted that speaking to the media after the riots had been the biggest mistake of her life. When we asked why, she said, “I had spoken at length about the Muslims and the attack, and before I knew it, my video had gone viral on social media. People like you come and go, but we are the ones who must stay. We are surrounded by them—they work in our fields, they build our houses, they attend our events and functions. It is not safe for us to say anything against them.”
Singh chimed in, trying to downplay the tension, “We are very happy here. Everything is fine, and we have no problems. What has been said and done is in the past, so why have you come again to ask about it? We don’t want any trouble. There is no difference between their daughters and ours. When we attend their weddings, they make special arrangements for us. Everything is peaceful here; we have no issues.”
Another woman, in her late fifties, spoke up, adding, “We Hindus have no unity, madam. Look at them (Muslims); they have many children and marry off their daughters in time. Meanwhile, no one wants to marry our sons.” She attributed this reluctance to the fact that “We live in Nuh, and after the 2023 attacks, this distrust has only worsened.”
Despite our efforts to speak with other villagers, most echoed the same refrain, “We are very happy here. Things are peaceful, and everything is fine.”
The Outspoken Muslims
We continued our journey, travelling about two more kilometres when a passerby pointed out a Muslim colony nearby. The sound of the Azaan blared from loudspeakers as we approached a house. A woman named Reshma greeted us and, upon learning that we were from Delhi, hurried to fetch her husband. The man, with his shirt half-open, came out and sat on a charpoy. He began discussing not just the elections but also the attacks.
Introducing himself as Deen Mohammad, he remarked on the elections, saying, “Congress has a stronghold here.” When we asked about the July attack, he stated, “Outsiders, people from Rajasthan, were responsible for the violence. No one from the local Muslim community was involved. We didn’t commit any vandalism. Both the Hindus who came for the Yatra and the Muslims who attacked are equally responsible for what happened. The Hindus killed Nasir Junaid and then arrived saying, ‘Tumhara jija aa raha hai’… Tell me, who wouldn’t be offended by that? That’s why the violence erupted.”
A nearby cleric (alim) from the mosque also spoke to us, much more candidly than the Hindus we had spoken with. When asked about the situation in the area, he said, “The environment here is good. We have no issues with either BJP or Congress, but the Congress candidate here, Chaudhary Aftab—Mohammad Aftab—is a good man. Our opinion is that the Congress government would do better for us.”
He further elaborated on the attacks, stating, “I wasn’t here when it happened, but I believe both sides were equally involved (Ek haath se taali nahi bajti). Hindus like Monu Manesar should have been punished. If the government had acted against them, none of this would have happened. Isn’t that what the Constitution is for? But the government didn’t take any action, and that’s when things spiralled out of control.”
In the Muslim basti we also went to a madrasa, watch this video for details:
Statement from Temple committee
Organiser spoke with Gurmukh Singh Malik, the President of the temple committee, who provided insight into the aftermath of the riots. He shared that after the violence erupted and the temple drew significant media attention, the then-priest—whom he chose not to name—had made public statements to media. “He said things against Muslims on camera, which escalated tensions in the area”. In an effort to restore peace and harmony, the committee decided that the temple staff would no longer engage with the media or make any public comments. As a result, the priest was dismissed and a new one was appointed in his place.
Malik reassured us that things have since returned to normal, with Hindus and Muslims living peacefully in the region. However, he recalled the terror of that day vividly. “I was at the temple when the attack began,” he said, “I had come in my new Scorpio. The mob set my vehicle on fire.” Despite the painful memory, Malik stressed that maintaining peace remains the temple’s priority.
“Hindus won’t leave Mewat, no matter what”
We continued our journey, travelling another two or three kilometres to reach a village called Badoji, where Hindus and Muslims lived in nearly equal numbers, making up a population of around 300 people. The village is located opposite the mountains from which the attackers and stone pelters had first launched their assault on the temple.
We arrived at the home of a Hindu family, where a woman named Dharmvati recounted the terrifying events of the day. She said, “I saw people scaling the mountain. There were so many of them. The attack began around 1 PM, and we heard gunshots and people calling for help. The firing continued until 6 PM. The attackers were heavily armed and well-prepared.”
She also shared how the trauma of the attack had affected her daughter, who couldn’t sleep for three days. “She kept running from one room to another, restless and scared. She kept saying, ‘Send me somewhere where there are only Hindus.'”
Speaking about the increasing migration of Hindus from the area, she explained, “Those who had the means to leave have already left. People like us, who have invested their life savings here in building homes and owning land, are the ones left behind. If we could, we would move too. We won’t stop our children if they decide to leave in future.”
Another woman, Sohan, in her late sixties, added, “It wasn’t always like this. There has been a sudden increase not just in the number of Muslims in the area but also in the hatred they hold towards Hindus.” She attributed this change to the activities of Tabligi Jamaat in the region.
When asked who she would vote for, she responded, “BJP, of course. Whenever Congress comes to power, these people (Muslims) become more emboldened to harass and abuse Hindus. They become more involved in illegal activities, and Hindu girls and women are not safe. If we don’t vote for BJP, we won’t be able to survive here.”
Despite the exodus of many Hindus, Sohan was adamant about staying. “I’m not going anywhere. This is my home, my village. Why should we leave and go somewhere else? I’ll stay and fight if I have to.” She added, “I was here on July 31, and if those Islamists had dared come to my house, I would have driven them out myself. Leaving this place would only serve their purpose, not ours. Hindus will not leave Nuh, nor would my family at least not as long as I’m alive.”
Shifting demography
Neha Singh, a dedicated Hindu activist, has been working in the Nuh region for nearly a decade. In her interview with Organiser, she shed light on the alarming changes that have occurred over the years, particularly the rise of radicalisation and the dwindling Hindu population in the area. According to Neha, entire pockets in Nuh now exist where there isn’t a single Hindu household.
Reflecting upon the disturbing demographic changes, Neha shared, “In 2019, a survey revealed that 103 villages had no Hindu houses left, while over 85 villages had only 3-4 Hindu households remaining. This means that more than 200 villages in the district are now devoid of any Hindu population.” This demographic shift has left the remaining Hindus in these areas feeling marginalised and fearful.
Neha further explained, “The few Hindus still living here have had to abandon their cultural and religious practices. Celebrating festivals like Ganpati Mahotsav and Durga Puja has become almost impossible due to fear and pressure.” She emphasised that since the attacks of July 31, many Hindus have fled the region, terrified of what the future holds for them and their families.
On the subject of radicalisation, Neha raised her concerns about the increasing influence of Jamaat activities. “There has been a noticeable change in the behaviour of the local Muslim community over the past few years, especially after frequent Jamaat events. After each Jamaat, there is a sharp rise in harassment, abuse, theft, and religious hatred targeting Hindus.” She also pointed out the stark imbalance in religious institutions, noting that while there are around 60-70 mosques in Nuh, there are fewer than 15-20 temples left.
Neha’s frustration was evident when discussing the annual Jalabhishek Yatra and the riots that followed. “How can we say things are normal here when a simple religious procession requires over 5,000 police officers for protection? Is this the kind of freedom we are supposed to enjoy? If this is freedom, then what kind of safety are we really talking about?” she questioned.
During the attack, several police officers were injured. One officer, who lodged a complaint stating that the attackers’ vehicles had Rajasthan license plates, also spoke to Organiser. He revealed that the accused, including Imran and his accomplices, had been arrested and the ammunition they had looted from him was recovered. However, court records show that all the accused, including Imran (Case Number: HRNU010086032023), Amir, Mursheed, Sakeem, Tarif, Sohrab, and Waseem, were released on bail. Imran, the prime was granted bail on November 29, 2023, after posting a bond of Rs 50,000.
The History of Mewat
The district of Mewat, renamed Nuh in 2016, was formed in 2005 by combining the Meo Muslim-dominated areas of Gurugram and parts of Faridabad district. Historically, Mewat is a cultural region that includes parts of Haryana, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh. The region comprises 1,250 villages—550 in Haryana, 650 in Rajasthan, and 50 in Uttar Pradesh.
Despite its rich history, the region has struggled with underdevelopment. In 2018, Niti Aayog ranked Nuh as the most backward district in India.
As per the 2011 census, Mewat had a Muslim population of 79.2 per cent, with Hindus comprising just 20.37 per cent. The Meo Muslims, who once practised Hindu traditions and bore Hindu names until the late 1970s, have gradually shifted towards Islam. Historical records suggest that the first conversion of Meos to Islam occurred in 715 AD, during the invasions of Muhammad Ibn Al Qasim. Over time, significant waves of conversions followed, particularly during the campaigns of Mahmud of Ghazni. One of the biggest conversions took place in 1152 AD when over 90,000 people of the Meo community walked to the Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti Dargah for conversion.
The Rise of Tablighi Jamaat in Mewat
The Tablighi Jamaat was founded in 1920 by a preacher named Maulana Mohammad Ilias, with the mission of promoting a devout Islamic lifestyle among followers. The name “Tablighi Jamaat” translates to “a group that propagates faith,” and it emerged in the early 20th century. Associated with the Sunni sect, the group’s members travel to mosques, schools, and colleges across India and the world, spreading the teachings of Islam and advocating the lifestyle of Prophet Mohammad.
In Nuh, the heart of Mewat, nearly 80 per cent of the population consists of Muslim Meos, and it is said that around 99 per cent of them are connected to the Tablighi Jamaat in some way, according to local clergy.
Before the rise of the Tablighi Jamaat in Mewat, the region’s Muslims practised a unique blend of religious customs. They would conduct both the Islamic nikah (marriage ceremony) and the Hindu saptapadi (circling the sacred fire). Additionally, they worshipped Hindu deities like Lord Shiva.
Historians note that Meo Muslims had a distinct identity, quite different from that of typical Muslims. They traditionally wore dhoti-kurta, did not maintain beards, and were unfamiliar with the proper way to offer namaz. Local mosques were often used as storage for cattle fodder. When digging wells, the Meos would first place a brick in honour of Bhairav Baba, a Hindu deity, and many were devoted worshippers of Bhagwan Shiva. However, nothing of this blend is left in the region.
“Many Muslims had names like Balbir Singh or Rameshwar,” locals shared, reflecting the region’s deep-rooted cultural fusion. Shail Mayaram, author of Resisting Regimes: Myth, Memory and the Shaping of a Muslim Identity, concurs. She writes, “The Meo Muslims had a kinship system similar to the Hindu castes of Haryana. They also worshipped cows and celebrated festivals like Govardhan.”
As per the recorded evidence, when Maulana Ilias came into contact with the Meo Muslims in Delhi in the early 1900s, he was reportedly “astonished” by their lack of knowledge about basic Islamic practices, such as reciting the kalma (Islamic creed). This encounter motivated him to set up the Badi Masjid and Bada Madrassa in Nuh in 1922, establishing the foundations of Islamic education in the region. Four years later, in 1926, the Tablighi Jamaat was officially formed.
In 1932, Maulana Ilias organised a major panchayat attended by 107 prominent leaders from Mewat. During this gathering, fifteen resolutions were passed, including the promotion of proper namaz, the construction of new mosques, the expansion of Islamic education, and a flexible approach to local dress styles. The first-ever large congregation (jamaat) was held in Kandhla, Uttar Pradesh, in 1939.
In the decades since the Tablighi Jamaat has become deeply rooted in Mewat. Today, many Muslims in the region follow the Islamic customs that Maulana Ilias advocated, such as keeping beards, wearing skull caps, and adopting more Arabic names. Women’s clothing has shifted from the traditional odhni to the more modest salwar-kameez, and dietary practices have also evolved.
What next?
Experts suggest that the growing fanaticism and radicalisation of young minds in the region is closely tied to the rise of Tablighi Jamaat activities. Another significant factor contributing to this issue is illiteracy, which has driven many youths toward criminal activities. In fact, Organiser published an in-depth report highlighting the surge of cybercrime in the region, with Mewat becoming a hub for such illicit activities.
For outsiders, particularly Hindus, the area can feel intimidating, with a stark contrast to Hindu-majority regions. When we attempted to speak to shopkeepers and property owners whose businesses were burned or vandalised by mobs during the violence in July, they refused to comment. The fear, the feeling of being a minority, was evident in their eyes, their behaviour, and their silence.
In the upcoming elections, the Nuh constituency has candidates from different political parties. Congress has fielded Aftab Ahmed, while the INLD-BSP alliance has nominated Tahir Hussain. The JJP-ASPA coalition has chosen Birendra Singh, and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has put forward Rabia Kidwai. The BJP, attempting to consolidate the Hindu vote, has nominated Sanjay Singh, a firebrand Hindu leader known for his provocative speeches against the Muslim community in Mewat.
With around 2.08 lakh voters, the residents of Nuh face severe challenges, from poor infrastructure and lack of basic amenities to increasing unemployment. Beneath these surface issues, however, lies a deeper fear among the minority Hindu community, who feel terrorised and unable to speak out. Activists like Neha Singh warn that if the situation continues to be ignored, Nuh could become a “Mini Pakistan,” a term used to describe the systematic cleansing of Hindus from the region.
As the report highlights, this election holds deep significance for the Hindus living in the region. Their fears are palpable, especially among Hindu women who shared their concerns. For them, a Congress victory could mean an increase in harassment of their daughters and a surge in illegal activities. But what looms even larger is the growing radicalisation that threatens to uproot their very existence, forcing them to consider migration as a last resort. The weight of their anxieties hangs in the balance, with the outcome of the upcoming assembly polls being their only hope for security and stability.
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