An Indian citizen can hardly remain oblivious of Bangladesh. More so, if one is residing in any of the contiguous neighbouring States and especially in India’s West Bengal. A common connection is the language and of course aspects of culture. But with time, that zone of commonality is gradually being clouded by ever-growing Islamist fundamentalism and an apparent undercurrent of anti-India tirade among a section of Bangladesh’s populace.
Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League (AL) Government provided a strong bond between New Delhi and Dhaka. However, on August 5, 2024, Hasina had to move out of Bangladesh seemingly because of unrelenting public agitation and spiralling anarchic violence. Quite expectedly in tune with its history, the Bangladesh Army took over; somewhat reflecting the deja vu of 2007-08, when due to the severe agitations with AL in the vanguard, then the Bangladeshi Government of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) had collapsed.
Protesting Against Reservation
The present public disturbances have been spearheaded by the students, who began protesting against a reservation system which prescribed a quota to the tune of 30 per cent in the civil services. Later on, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh intervened and opened up 93 per cent of civil services to merit.
In these circumstances, the agitations ought to have subsided. Rather, the violence snowballed which the law and order machinery apparently could not contain.
How Soon Democracy Will Prevail?
Accordingly, Hasina had to abdicate her authority and the Army stepped in. The problem however does not end here. The crucial aspect at this juncture to dwell upon is what is next for Bangladesh and specifically for India’s neighbourhood? How soon would democracy prevail in Bangladesh? How would the safety and security of minorities, especially the 13 million Hindus in that country, be ensured?
Targeting Hindus
Information has started flowing out from the riot-torn country that property and places of religious worship of minorities are being targeted. Loot, arson, murder, abduction, vandalisation are being systematically perpetrated against the Hindus. The natural query is who all are carrying out such malicious acts of terror and in what way are these attacks related to the student-led political agitations against reservation initially given to the descendants of war heroes of 1971?
An Indian citizen residing in Kolkata revealed that his relatives (Hindus) who stay in Chittagong (Bangladesh), both employed in the Bangladesh Government service, are planning to sell their properties and relocate to India. He also informed that in Noakhali and Chittagong areas, especially Hindus are being systematically intimidated so that they are coerced to leave Bangladesh for good.
Going Back in Time
In the backdrop of the present set of events, it would not be out of place to mention the case of Meghna Guhathakurata (as referred to in Anam Zakaria’s book 1971), who lost her father (a professor) to the bullets of Pakistani military, when the Pakistani Army commenced its infamous Operation Searchlight so as to weed out the so-called disaffected elements within the Bengali populace in East Pakistan. The notion harboured by then Pakistani military was that Hindu Bengali intellectuals were fomenting rebellion against Islamabad, in favour of India. ‘Hindus, who held high posts, were blacklisted as Indian agents’, says Guhathakurata.
Persecution by Pakistan
Scores of women were raped by then Pakistani military, and as Zakaria mentions, estimates vary anywhere between 1,00,000 to 4,00,000. As a matter of fact, the Pakistani forces received local intelligence from a band of ‘Razakars’ who acted as collaborators with the then oppressive regime of Islamabad. Interestingly, the job reservation which has been the bone of contention in 2024, was being accorded to the family members of the freedom fighters of 1971 who had embarked on a direct collision course with the Pakistani armed forces and the ‘Razakars’.
Another important aspect which needs to be noted without fail is the undaunted growth of Islamist fundamentalism and terrorism in Bangladesh from the late 1980s, which however has come up with a pan-global jihadi flavour since 2015-16. Interestingly, the ‘first strand’ of Islamist terrorism started off in Bangladesh by a so-called local saint (pir) called Matiur Rahman – who was a major ranked officer in the Bangladesh Army till 1976 – and who travelled to the Middle East, and possibly got indoctrinated. In 1986, he returned to Bangladesh and set up his terror network with a band of about 500 followers behind the facade of a madrasa.
The Impending Future
However, whatever happens in the foreseeable future in Bangladesh; two issues are significant for India: the safety of its own citizens in that country, and security of the minorities residing there. Else, an influx of people from across the border would have to be managed. For mitigating all this, a stable Bangladesh free of Islamist radicalism is the need of the hour. With the hardliner Jamaat-i-Islami now at the centrestage of Bangladeshi politics, and along with the revival of its erstwhile ally BNP, Islamist forces are likely to receive the much required fillip. Few passing observations are pertinent here.
How could a group of agitators, howsoever numerous, topple the AL Government of 15 years’ standing in a matter of few months? Was the police and para-military not equipped or trained enough to manage such a crisis? Were the agitators being aided and funded from ‘outside’? Were the student-protesters being used as instruments by powerful forces working from behind the curtains?
Why the Army could not step in without Hasina having to move out of Bangladesh? Public property being destroyed and the Prime Minister’s residence being looted indicate a scene of total chaos, which implies that as if even the Army was ready to allow the protestors vent out their frustration and grievances in a cathartic fashion and then gradually take ‘control’. In fact, the Daily Star newspaper of Bangladesh reports (7th August 2024) that ‘the night before Sheikh Hasina abruptly fled Bangladesh amid deadly protests, her army chief held a meeting with his generals and decided that troops would not open fire on civilians to enforce a curfew.’
With both Pakistan and Bangladesh more or less consistently having military coups and takeovers, interspersed with (quasi) democratic governments, while their major neighbour India standing tall with a vibrant democracy, unequivocally reflects the mature civil-military relationship that India possesses, along with the culture of peace and democracy that India has nurtured. Furthermore, India can easily boast of strong state structures and strict adherence to the principle of rule of law. Be it in Kashmir or North-East or the Naxalite/Maoist insurgency or for that matter the diabolical component of Islamist fundamentalism, or street riots or mob violence, the performance of India’s security apparatus and intelligence networks has been of the highest order. India has been the biggest stable democracy worthy of emulation. It however remains to be seen if the present dispensation in both Pakistan and Bangladesh take a leaf out of the Indian textbook and stabilise their countries in the path to order and democracy.
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