Organiser has always excelled in its pursuit. With a tag line of ‘Voice of the Nation’, the weekly intervened in policy making, provided alternatives, challenged the status-quo and never dashed the hope of organising people for a social and political transformation
Nishant Kr Azad
Vinoba Bhave remarked, “I don’t understand why politicians should not retire after a certain age. The only reason appears to be that they consider themselves in the same category as monarchs of old.” (Organiser November, 26, 1960) Vinoba’s concern and characterisation of our political
culture was reflected as general observation. However, there are substantial evidences to suggest that his indictment was directed towards Jawaharlal Nehru & colleagues.
It was in 1951 only that Vinoba had accused Nehru of ‘indecision and failure’. He had held the government accountable on turning their back on at least three crucial issues of birth control, reduction in food control, and banning cow slaughter. (Ibid. November, 5, 1951)
The above illustration of cross-examination and making the agencies of power accountable is integral to any form of journalism. Organiser always excelled in this pursuit. The pages in the seventy years in print have always exposed policy paralysis in governments and institutions, covered alternatives in politics, did plain-speaking on corruption and scandals and never dashed the hope of Hindus for a social and political consolidation. A thematic roundup of issues that were covered prominently in the seven decades of the magazine is certainly the reflection of the way Organiser has shaped the national discourse.
Nurturing Democratic Culture
In the inaugural issues, editorials mapped the communal divisiveness in our manifested political culture. It stated that, “The grant of separate representation to Muslims in
legislature and local bodies was an electoral monstrosity whose cruel purpose finds fulfilment in all its nakedness in the latest British plan for the division of the country.” (Ibid. July 3, 1947)
The tone was set. Organiser was going to oppose a political culture manifested in the same colonial divisiveness around the identities of religion, caste, region, creed, etc. Congress defined its politics in the designs of colonial divisiveness and journalism credo opposed it.
In the initial years itself, the weekly faced severe restrictions in the name of censorship and fought for the ‘Freedom of Press’ tooth and nail. In emergency, Organiser with a sister publication The Motherland became a symbol of resistance against the tyrannical and corrupt rule. Many who are talking about the free press today do not even
recognise that.
Organiser covered the various indictments of Congress rebels such as JB Kriplani. (Ibid. October, 16, 1948) The first crucial political alternative in the form of ‘Bharatiya Jana Sangh’ (BJS) was thoroughly covered. A report stated, “Typical of its role in the bewildered Bharat of today, the BJS whose country wide formation as a country wide organisation was announced early this week has chosen ‘DIPAK’ as its symbol in the coming election.” (Ibid. September, 17, 1951)
There were various pleas in op-eds about possibilities of
coalitions against the rising dominance of Congress and Communists. One writer urged that ‘Jana Sangh, Praja Socialist Party and Swantantra should combine to at least defeat all the Ministers!’ (Ibid. May, 15, 1961) The idea of coalition politics that became the talking point of national politics in the late 1980s was deliberated in the Organiser in 1960s itself.
Prominent political voices like Acharya Kriplani, C Rajgopalachari, KM Munshi always contributed articles putting up a fight against Congress. Rajgopalachari criticised the growing culture of illegitimate financial contribution in politics. He wrote, “If payments to the ruling party for election purposes should also be made free of income tax as some have suggested, there is nothing more to be done for perpetuation of one-party rule.” (Ibid. August, 29, 1960)
The coverage of the rise of political alternatives continued from Swatantra Party to Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and thereafter. Organiser made sure to cover even small political maneuvers of opposition parties, for example, smaller electoral victories of BJP in the Southern states and the Northeast, even in Municipal bodies were given space.
Strengthening the democratic culture through popular participation was another consistent line that the nationalist magazine has taken. Way back in 1969, Subhash Kashyap, who later rose to become the Secretary-General of Lok Sabha and eminent Constitutional expert, argued the case for lowering the voting age from 21 to 18, which became a reality in 1987.
Defiance of Corruption
Organiser always stood against all attempts of corruption and malpractices in the everyday life of institutions and political culture. Congress’ tryst with corruption commenced just after the independence. In 1951, thousands of protestors marched on the streets of Delhi demanding fresh, fair and free elections in Delhi District Localboard elections. Reports of Congress prostituting state machinery for electioneering advantages over opposition parties were rampant. Organiser chose plain-speak again stating ‘Congress Murders Democracy in Delhi’. (Ibid. September 17, 1951).
Scandals and all sorts of institutional corruptions in ministries, judiciary, administration, and beyond were kept in journalistic scrutiny. Not only politics, but the emerging crony culture in industries under alleged socialist Congress rule was not spared. For instance, ‘Discriminatory working of Industrial Finance Corporation (IFC)’, and ‘Sucheta Kriplani Committee’s Findings’ on it were covered. (Ibid. April, 22, 1954) Leaders like Jagjiwan Ram, Abdul Rahman Antulay, Sanjay Gandhi, and anyone who was in the eye of storm over corruption were derided. From “Maruti” to “National Herald” and “Bofors”, all was assembled in the pages of Organiser.
Organiser also stood in solidarity with all the whistle blowers, since it was one itself. For bringing out the truth of Kashmir, the magazine was banned by Sheikh Abdullah in the State. (Ibid. March, 17, 1952) Also, when Antulay and Datta Samant declared war on Indian Express for exposing their misdeeds, Organiser stood with the newspaper in support. (Ibid. November, 29, 1981)
Fight For Institutional Integrity
Organiser stood against the appropriation of institution by Congress system. From the very beginning, be it electoral malpractices, ideological colouring of educational and cultural institutions, compromising security and defence, the magazine acted as the conscience of the ‘rashtra’.
Much before the war with Pakistan in 1965, Organiser kept a close eye of scrutiny on the building bond between Pakistan and USA. There were reports on arms supply to Pakistan by US. (Ibid. March, 15, 1954) Much to the surprise, Nehru and his government didn’t take all this seriously. Again, the magazine raised the alarm about an alleged deal asking ‘Was the Pact Signed?’ It was reported that Pakistan was to get 3000 planes and 21 warships.
The high drama of ‘National Integration Council’ was also exposed by the magazine when it published the indictments of Acharya Kriplani who questioned the very basis of the institution. The manifestation of majority versus minority, and thus, the question of safeguards which the council
institutionalised were rebuked by Kriplani as an attempt to
‘promote sectarianism’. (Ibid. August, 28, 1961)
The weekly continuously covered the rising Muslim communalism in institutions like Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and how Banaras Hindu University (BHU) was cornered by the Congress party for carrying ‘Hindu’ in its name. When a bill was introduced in the Rajya Sabha to drop ‘Hindu’ from BHU, Organiser carried articles by C Rajgopalachari in protest. (Ibid. November, 20, 1965)
The persistent ideological colouring of institutions such as ICHR, UGC, and others in the stewardship of Nurul Hasan with Indira Gandhi’s patronage was
extensively covered and opposed. Historians like RC Majumdar kept writing through Organiser regarding this real communalisation of institutions.
North-east and J&K
Any discussion on Jammu & Kashmir has been not
usually tilted in favour of the nationalist voices. The Valley- centric narrative, largely funded and supported by Pakistan, has invariably curbed the voice of people from Jammu and Ladakh. Right from the Praja Parishad Andolan in 1950s to the latest discussion on Article 35A, Organiser has been the first one to raise the issues of discrimination. After a prolong struggle against the misinformation campaign, since the Amarnath agitation, nationalist voices are gaining space in the northern most State and Organiser has its share in setting the right flow of information about the issues of integration all over Bharat.
The same is true about the constructive works that are going on in the North-eastern part of Bharat that finds place in the so-called mainstream only during the disconcerting days. The issues, personalities and organisations that are finding resonance with the roots of Bharat were rightly found place in the pages of Organiser.
Awakening of Hindutva
Since 1947, articles and reports for demands of prohibition on cow slaughter started appearing. The triangle of ‘Cow, Islam and Government’s Duty’ was also widely discussed and it was asserted that legitimacy of cow slaughter has taken shape for Muslim appeasement and how it is not obligatory in Koran. (Ibid. November, 2, 1947) Others also joined in the movement. Vinoba stated that, “I say, cow protection must be carried out in our secular state.” (Ibid. January 14, 1954) On the other hand, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its ‘Kendriya Karyakari Mandal’ resolved that, “We must protect the cow, without Satyagraha if possible, with Satyagraha if necessary!” (Ibid. July 12, 1954) The other stride came from organisations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and assemblies like Vishwa Hindu Sammelan (VHS) which was influential in mobilising Hindus in political unity. It was so much so that when the ‘Hindu Sammelan made history in Kerala’, Namboodiripad had to confess that success of VHS would be a failure of Left experiment. (Ibid. April 18, 1982) All these movements culminated in the great political awakening of the Hindus which reached their
pinnacle in Ram Janmabhoomi Movement. In shaping the discourse on secularism and nationalism, Organiser played an important role by giving space to all kinds of perspectives.
Against the Murderous Politics of Left
There has been a long history of killings of RSS and BJP karyakartas in Kerala and other Left-dominated regions. When the mainstream media chose to remain mum over the killings, it was Organiser that reported the incidents and raised the voice against the murderous politics of Left over the decades. The history of this ‘murder politics’ started during the 1940s itself, well before undivided Communist party could taste the power in Kerala political scenario.
The first significant physical attack against the RSS was in 1948 at Thiruvananthapuram. The attack was against the then RSS Sarsanghachalak MS Golwalkar, popularly known as Guruji. Next major CPM attack against RSS was in January 1969, near Shri Kerala Varma College, Thrissur. Veliyathunadu Chandran, a senior RSS worker and former Pracharak, was the next victim of the CPM attack in Parur of Ernakulam District on January 11, 1970. Mandal Karyavah Sankranarayanan was killed in Nallenkara, Thrissur District, in 1973. In 1974, CPM men killed RSS Mandal Karyavah Sudheendran in Kochi. An array of swayamsevaks were to be butchered by an organised front of the Left Government in Kerala.
In 2016, Organiser brought out a special edition ‘Killing Fields of Kannur’ that carried the stories of
horrifying intolerant politics of Communists which they proudly call ‘Kannur Model’ and also revealed how media had been politically biased. The Organiser coverage and further efforts to facilitate the dialogue through eminent persons of Kerala virtually forced other media houses to take cognisance of the ‘murder politics’.
And Miles to Go
As a way of concluding, it can be said that the past
seventy years of Organiser have been an exploration of alternative space for those who challenged the establishment. In the arena of politics, culture, society,
international relations, and most significantly, analytical
categories, the weekly has always demarcated a new
territory that is rooted in the national ethos that is more
integrationist than divisionist, more holistic than reductionist.
Whether issues of criminalising triple talaq or exposing the menace of Love Jihad, the weekly not only played a key role but provided space to the victims through airing their sentiments. The emerging discourse on
‘decolonisation of the Indian mind’ and amassing the attributes of Bharat as a whole is yet another example of how Organiser continues to play the role in evolving
understanding Bharat from Bharatiya point of view.
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