US-Venezuela Conflict: Return of the cold war
September 12, 2026
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Home Politics

US-Venezuela Conflict: Return of the cold war

Since he took over as US President, Donald Trump believes he is empowered to violate sovereignty of other nations. By launching Operation Absolute Resolve on Venezuela, Trump has captured Nicolás Maduro & normalised such an aggression. Now other powers will be tempted to flex their muscles over smaller nations. Bharat has expressed concern over Venezuelan President’s capture

Vipul TamhaneVipul Tamhane
Jan 14, 2026, 07:00 pm IST
inPolitics, Analysis
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The pre-dawn raid that took place in Caracas and led to the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro is not only another spectacular incident in Donald Trump’s foreign policy but also a potential inflection point in relations between countries. The latter could speed up the world’s movement towards a Cold War-like scenario, though one that is radically different from last century’s conflict. Past events do not happen again exactly the same, but they are similar sometimes. The critical issue now is whether the US intervention in Venezuela will go down in history as an exceptional case of coercive diplomacy or as the beginning of the era when the great powers could no longer be restrained by the post-1945 unspoken rules of conduct.

Anatomy of A Precedent

What makes the Maduro capture particularly unsettling isn’t the violence itself, the U.S. has conducted military operations in seven countries since Trump took office. Rather, it’s the casual erasure of a foundational norm, that sitting Heads of State, however odious, enjoy a degree of immunity that constrains how even powerful nations can act.

Cold War Echoes, Not Replicas

The question if a new Cold War is inevitable is answered with a ‘No’, yet it uncovers the fact that many of the structural conditions for such a rivalry are already in place.

Take the Cold War model as an example; it needed the above-mentioned conditions of the power structure, the two superpowers, sorts that resemble the two non-Communist and Communist worlds, threats to trade, commerce and economies, disruption to the normal life, the fear of total destruction and deterrent weapons that imposed a non-direct confrontation. Today’s emerging order contains modified versions of each.

We don’t have clean bipolarity, but we do have functional division on fundamental questions. When the operation of Maduro was denounced by China, Russia, Brazil, and a large part of the Global South, the United Kingdom and the European Union. sent a fractured response, marginalised U.N. system response was seen and Argentina, Italy, Israel, and a few showing allies supported it, they were not just picking a side in Venezuela. The parties involved were articulating conflicting notions regarding the global order: conditional sovereignty as opposed to absolute sovereignty; justice bordering on injustice as opposed to borders stopping justice.

Disputes of this nature cannot be settled through diplomacy without great difficulty; they represent different legal viewpoints that are not compatible with one another. This is the very way Cold Wars get to the core: through the hardening of competing normative systems, not military confrontation.

Security Dilemma Reborn

The most dangerous dynamic the Maduro operation has triggered is the classic security dilemma spiral. The U.S. frames its action as law enforcement against a narco-terrorist. But when Beijing and Moscow see Washington militarily seizing a sitting President, they don’t think about drug trafficking, they think about  their own agendas.

If sovereignty is now conditional, what deters expansionism from China or Russia? This fear drives defensive measures, i.e. strengthening domestic security, building alternative institutions, creating legal counter-weapons. Yet these defensive moves appear offensive to the U.S., justifying further American assertiveness. The cycle feeds itself. This is the engine that drove the original Cold War’s arms race.

Today’s version involves not just missiles but legal instruments, financial systems, and competing institutional architectures. The U.S. support to their proxies for regional dominance is prominent. In addition to that is the tool-kit model of activation of unrest and public insurrection to topple governments that are not in the U.S. interest, this is not unheard of, which brings the question of exercising democratic freedom which is best in the national interest now facing stability threats to global governments that are non-U.S. aligned. This makes the world literally a wild-west, where everyone is for themselves.

What Comes Next

The world still is not completely in the Cold War era. Economic interdependence, nuclear deterrence, and multipolar complexity are current limitations that are quite different from those in 1947. Trump’s threats against Colombia and Mexico are still just a talk; the international system still has some ways of absorbing shocks.

But precedents compound. If the Maduro operation becomes normalised, if other powers conclude that Heads of State are now legitimate targets, the restraints will weaken further. The next crisis over Taiwan, the next extraterritorial arrest, the next territorial annexation will find fewer guardrails in place. Russia currently controls 19.2 per cent of Ukraine, including Crimea, what will be next? Cold Wars don’t start with declarations. They emerge when enough actors conclude that rules no longer constrain behavior, when defensive measures spiral into rivalry, when alignment becomes unavoidable. They’re reached not through intention but through accumulation.

The Choice Before Us

Trump justified his Venezuelan operation as necessary for American security. But the broader cost, the erosion of norms that have prevented great-power conflict for eight decades, may far exceed whatever immediate benefits the U.S. gains from toppling Maduro.

The Venezuelan operation isn’t itself a Cold War trigger. But it’s an accelerant poured on smoldering tensions. The escalation of tensions into prolonged contention will be contingent on the options taken by the U.S. and its rivals, and most importantly, by middle powers who will determine if any normative framework left is still worth defending. We are in a period that some historians might label as an interregnum: the perilous gap between the existing international order and the new one to come. The case of Maduro has indicated the extent to which we have already moved. The question is whether we still have time, and will, to choose a different destination.

Topics: non-U.S. alignedRussiaChinaBrazilCold War eraVenezuelan President Nicolas MaduroAmerican securityMaduro operation
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