Former Union Minister and influential tribal leader Arvind Netam has long been a vocal advocate for the rights and dignity of tribals. Recently, he created ripples across the national discourse by accepting an invitation to be the chief guest at an RSS event in Nagpur. In an exclusive interview, Netam explains to Organiser’s Senior Assistant Editor Nishant Kumar Azad the reasons behind this decision and his take on tribal issue from conversion to Naxalism to delimitation. Excerpts:
When you got the RSS invitation as chief guest, what was your first reaction? Why did you choose to accept it?
Honestly, I was surprised; it was not something I ever imagined. It felt like a great honour.
When I met Dr Mohan Bhagwat, I told him that in my six decades of public life, I have always prioritised society over politics. No one had ever recognised my social work the way the Sangh recently did. I also felt it was important for someone to present genuine tribal issues directly to Sangh. They gather feedback in their own way. Few genuine tribal voices have engaged with them, and that’s why I accepted the invitation.
What was your experience in Nagpur? Was this your first direct interaction with Sangh?
Over time, I grew deeply concerned about religious conversions. I realised it is the Sangh that is seriously working on ground. That is when I decided to initiate dialogue with them. At a tribal conference last year in memory of Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh, I invited someone from Sangh. Ram Lal ji came, and we had detailed discussion in Raipur. Later, I met the Sarsanghchalak during ‘Prayas’ programme and spoke with him for about 30 minutes on key tribal issues. I believe that it was this meeting which led to my selection as chief guest. It wasn’t random; there was mutual trust. During my two days in Nagpur, I saw Sangh closely. Not once did I hear political talk; it reaffirmed my belief that it works fundamentally for society, not politics.
After you attended the RSS event, several Congress leaders criticised you. Former Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh Bhupesh Baghel even said, “A person without ideology leads a meaningless life…” How do you respond to such remarks?
I know Congress mindset well; it views everything politically. But I have long distanced myself from politics and focused on social work. Its remarks reflect that same political lens. I had just said, try looking at things socially, not just politically. Sadly, everything today is politicised, and that is what concerns me.
When Home Minister Amit Shah said Naxalism will be eliminated by 2026, you warned it could return. Could you explain what you meant by that?
The 2026 deadline is fine, and Naxalism is nearly over. But I urged the Sangh and the Government to plan what comes after. If there’s no post-Naxal roadmap, the ideology can return; it survives in vacuums. My point was a caution, not a warning, based on my experience.
How do you view the recent killings of top Maoist leaders?
Since the 1980s, we have been active in countering Naxalism. BJP and Naxals are ideologically poles apart, unlike Congress, which had a softer stance. The recent actions follow our clear tit-for-tat policy, and they are working, proving it is the right approach.
Now, Government is strong and has a clear strategy. Maoists are talking peace out of weakness, just to regroup, like in Hyderabad, where they later backed out.
What steps are needed to tackle widespread conversions in tribal areas?
I took conversion seriously when it reached remote areas like Abujhmad in my constituency. Such sudden conversions, without understanding, seem suspicious. If it can happen there, it can happen anywhere. I also suspect a link between Naxals and Missionaries, a dangerous mix. We need a strict national law. Congress ignored it completely.
You had previously mentioned that tribal issues were not given due importance by the Centre.
Yes, I have said it before that poverty, hunger, and exploitation in tribal areas allow Naxalism to grow. Scholars warned about this since the ’70s, but Centre never planned it accordingly. We pushed for PESA Act in 1996, but it was ignored. That’s why Naxalism continues because core tribal issues remain unaddressed.
As a tribal leader, what steps do you suggest to stop conversions, and what role should RSS play?
See, only Sangh is working seriously against forced conversion. We will do our part by mobilising our community, but we need the support of RSS. Earlier, society resisted conversions and marriages outside tribal communities, whether it is Muslim or Christian; now there is silence, which is dangerous. That is why we need to stand together.
You have raised concerns about strategic marriages and conversions, yet many self-claimed tribal leaders stay silent. Why don’t they speak up?
They know what’s happening—it is not ignorance, it’s vote bank politics. Earlier, leaders cared about society, but now everything is about political gain. Leaders like Shibu Soren drew strength from the community, but today’s leaders have lost that connection. In places like Dandakaranya, Bangladeshi settlers are using similar tactics—targeting our daughters, grabbing properties, and taking political rights.
You earlier opposed delisting. What changed your view, and why is it important now?
The core issue is to stop conversions and their impact. I earlier opposed delisting, fearing loss of reservation, but after studying the situation, I believe it’s worth it. Once someone converts, they lose tribal identity, so they should not get tribal benefits. That’s our stand.
What steps can be taken to bridge the gap between tribal communities and the mainstream?
Committees must be formed, and genuine dialogue with tribal communities is essential. I raised this even with Dr Manmohan Singh. I appreciate PM Modi for addressing tribal issues. There is a need to rethink priorities, bring administrative reforms, and set up proper monitoring. Without this, nothing will change. Leftist influence will persist, but only tribals can truly counter it.
