The Naxalite movement began in 1967 in Naxalbari, West Bengal, as a peasant uprising against feudal landlords. Over time, it evolved into a broader insurgency led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist), aiming to overthrow the democratic government through armed struggle. Their ideology rejects parliamentary democracy, advocating for a protracted people’s war to establish a communist state. Maoist and Naxalite groups have consistently targeted the unity of Bharat by exploiting regional disparities and socio-economic grievances. They have established parallel administrations in certain areas, challenging the authority of the state and disrupting governance. Their activities have not only led to loss of lives but have also instilled fear among the populace, hindering development and progress.
In his insightful paper “Changing Strategy & Tactics of Left Wing Extremism in India,” IPS officer Ambar Kishor Jha pulls no punches, bluntly stating: “Left Wing Extremism (LWE) has been a threat to the internal security.”
Echoing this concern, researcher Tasnima Masroor, in her paper “Naxal Movement in India: Understanding the Motivations and Strategies,” paints a grim picture: ” Naxalite is a non-state independent organization that is being operated by the people of Maoist ideology to achieve their objective using violence. In India, they are one of the major threats to internal security with many incidents occurring especially in the affected states such as Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and West Bengal.”
On May 21, 2025, security forces achieved a significant victory in Chhattisgarh, by eliminating Nambala Keshava Rao, alias Basavaraju, the general secretary of the CPI (Maoist). Alongside him, 26 other Maoists were neutralized, marking one of the most impactful operations in recent history. This encounter not only removed a key leader but also disrupted the organisational structure of the insurgents. According to the sources, a CoBRA commando of the CRPF and a Naxalite were killed during an anti-Maoist operation in Chhattisgarh’s Sukma district on Thursday, officials said. These operations signify the government’s commitment to eradicating Maoist influence from affected regions.
This operation, hailed as a “landmark achievement” by Home Affairs Minister Amit Shah, also led to the arrest of 54 and surrender of 84 rebels across Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Maharashtra.
In a post on X, Union Home Minister said, “A landmark achievement in the battle to eliminate Naxalism. Today, in an operation in Narayanpur, Chhattisgarh, our security forces have neutralized 27 dreaded Maoists, including Nambala Keshav Rao, alias Basavaraju, the general secretary of CPI-Maoist, topmost leader, and the backbone of the Naxal movement. This is the first time in three decades of Bharat’s battle against Naxalism that a general secretary-ranked leader has been neutralized by our forces. I applaud our brave security forces and agencies for this major breakthrough.”
As the traditional Maoist insurgency faces setbacks, a new form of ideological resistance surfaces in urban areas. Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted this shift, stating that as naxalism ends in jungles, a new model of urban Naxals is raising its head. These individuals, often embedded in academic and intellectual circles, are accused of perpetuating Maoist ideologies through propaganda and by hijacking social movements .
In the larger battle against Maoist extremism, Urban Naxalism has emerged as an equally insidious threat to Bharat. These are not gun-wielding guerrillas hiding in the forests—but suit-clad ideologues nestled comfortably in our cities. The term Urban Naxals refers to individuals who, while not directly participating in armed violence, serve as the ideological and logistical backbone of the Maoist movement. They operate behind the façade of academia, activism, and human rights advocacy—carefully curating a narrative designed to erode faith in the Indian state. As highlighted in a DD News report, Urban Naxals deliberately target students, youth, and marginalized communities—instilling in them a deep sense of alienation and grievance. Their tools are not rifles, but rhetoric. They form NGOs and civil rights forums, masquerading as defenders of democracy while subtly justifying or even romanticising the Maoist cause. In reality, they function as the intellectual cover for a violent insurgency. According to National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, Urban Naxals are more dangerous than armed Maoists in the jungle.
And when the Indian state finally dismantled a long-standing pillar of that insurgency—Maoist leader Basavaraju—these so-called intellectuals did not celebrate the fall of a terrorist. Instead, they responded with a familiar playbook: veiled mourning, misplaced outrage, and shameless whataboutery. Social media lit up with posts decrying “state-sponsored violence.” Op-eds emerged questioning the legitimacy of the encounter. Not one word for the thousands of civilians and jawans killed by the man in question—just crocodile tears for a terrorist-in-chief.
The charade didn’t end online. In Kolkata, protestors actually came out onto the streets—not in celebration of a national security win—but in defense of Basavaraju. It was not just tone-deaf; it was terrifying. Because when sections of our urban society begin to grieve over the death of a man who orchestrated mass killings, we are forced to confront a grim reality: the ideological war is not in the jungles—it’s here among us.
Urban Naxals don’t lurk in the shadows—they walk boldly among us, armed not with guns but with degrees, legal titles, and hashtags. They are not the voice of the voiceless; they are the polished face of a radical ideology that wears the cloak of civil rights while pushing a deeply anti-national agenda. From the classrooms of JNU to the corridors of high courts, from media studios to social media feeds, they raise slogans that question India’s unity, denigrate its institutions, and glorify insurgents. These are the same individuals who are often found shoulder-to-shoulder with dubious NGOs and self-styled human rights outfits that act as ideological frontlines for Maoist propaganda.
In 2020, the government revoked the licenses of several such NGOs under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) for channeling foreign funds towards extremist activities or misreporting financial data. This crackdown exposed the underbelly of a well-oiled ecosystem working to weaken Bharat from within.
This is no longer just a law and order issue. The fight against Urban Naxalism is a fight to defend Bharat’s very soul—its civilization, its culture, and its constitutional order. And this fight must be waged with clarity, conviction, and zero compromise.
