Every action Muhammad Yunus has been taking in Bangladesh suggests that he is doing everything within his capacity to ensure that his country does not remain a democracy.
While he has put off the elections indefinitely, all efforts are on to make changes to the Constitution of Bangladesh so that it can be ruled without a democratically elected government. Yunus who was installed following a ISI and deep-state sponsored coup has consistently avoided answering one question and that is when will the elections be held. He has been dodgy about this and offers no clarity on the conduct of polls which is essential if Bangladesh were to survive as a democracy.
On January 4, he was asked by British Parliamentarian Rupa Huq who was part of a United Kingdom business delegation in Dhaka about when the elections will be held. He said that it could be held either in December 2015 or mid-2026. He however was quick to add that the election date would depend on how much reform people want.
Delaying Tactics
On January 7, the Jamaat-e-Islami leadership which works under the instructions of the ISI met with Yunus. During the meeting they discussed several issues which included electoral and banking reforms. Further discussions were held on consensus building efforts and national unity.
Clearly this is not what is needed in Bangladesh today. Bangladesh watchers say that elections have to be held, and a democratic government should take the country forward. An interim government has no accountability and with a leadership that is dictated by a radical Jamaat the nation is only heading towards the rule of a dictator.
The question that now arises is why this delay. The delay is because Yunus and his cronies want to amend the Constitution. In 1998, when the Eight Amendment Act was passed it declared that Islam shall be Bangladesh’s state religion. This erased the secular nature of the country.
The Jamaat has been pressing Yunus to amend laws so that they align more with the Sharia. Further an army of students is being formed with the blessings of Yunus. The larger goal of this army is to replace the existing army and then rule the country under the Shariat law. If elections are conducted immediately a democratically elected government, be it the Awami League or the BNP will think a hundred times before making such radical changes. Further there are also chances that these governments would limit the presence of Pakistan.
While Yunus may have sworn on the Constitution while taking oath as caretaker of the interim government, there exists no such provision for an interim government. This means that elections have to be held immediately.
Can Yunus succeed in his plans
Every move that Yunus has been making in recent times are clear indications that he will tow the line of the ISI and Jamaat as long as he gets to head the country. He has no independent thinking and questions have been raised about his leadership qualities.
Yunus allowed the targeting of Hindus while downsizing diplomatic ties with Bharat. While allowing jihad jingoism in Bangladesh, he forgot that the economy was taking a hit. The fall out was that Dhaka was unable to pay its bills. A glaring example of this was Adani Power halved its supply to Bangladesh on October 31 2024 due to payment delays as the country battled a foreign exchange shortage. Now facing acute power shortage which leading to the collapse of industries, Bangladesh has requested Adani to restore full power supply.
While Yunus may have the backing of the Jamaat and ISI, the BNP which was perceived to be radical in its approach is also having second thoughts. Many of its leaders are doubting Yunus’ intentions and there is an undercurrent brewing within which would eventually lead to an agitation.
The BNP’s main problem is that elections are not being held. The party cadre as well as the main leadership is doubtful of Yunus’ intentions and soon one could expect a face off.
Earlier the BNP had joined the party because it involved ousting an opponent in the form of Sheikh Hasina. Now that the enemy is out of the picture, there is no common cause left for the BNP to back Yunus and his cronies. There are even signals that there is some amount of political alignment taking place in the backdrop where the BNP and the Awami League would fight Yunus together. Both the parties want elections and hence they may come together to take down Yunus and ensure that elections are held. However, to say that the two parties may stick together after an election would be a far cry.
The BNP went on to announce a series of rallies across 64 districts of Bangladesh to demand measures to curb rising prices and also address the law-and-order situation in the country. This is very similar to what the Awami League too has been demanding. The BNP’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman who was convicted for his role in the 2004 grenade attack in which Sheikh Hasina had survived even said in January that his party leaders and workers should not take revenge against the Awami League.
The BNP and Awami League both fear a repeat of 2007 when governor of the Bangladesh Bank, Fakhruddin Ahmed was the chief advisor. He like Yunus had appointed 13 advisors to form the caretaker government. During his tenure many high-profile persons including BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia had been arrested.
The two parties do not want history to repeat and hence would look to fight Yunus before he makes more disastrous decisions. The two parties would be opponents always, but recent change of events suggest that the animosity between the workers has come down as they now have a common enemy in Muhammad Yunus to fight.
