What began as a seemingly legitimate demand for higher wages by factory workers in Noida’s industrial hub deteriorated into vandalism, arson and chaos. As the details of the use of QR codes, WhatsApp groups, and door-to-door campaigns by ‘certain activists’ came to the fore, a question emerged: Was it a genuinely spontaneous workers’ protest or a coordinated plot to destabilise the industrial hub? More importantly, was it an isolated incident or an experiment of something sinister to come?
The facts coming to the fore offer every reason to believe that some toolkit has been activated by the ultra-Leftist outfits. In March, there were similar protests by workers in Panipat and Gurgaon-Manesar. Those protests resulted in better wages and assurance of improved working conditions. The same template was applied in Noida too. If there was a toolkit, who devised it and put it into action?
Backing of Communist Constituent
As per the ground reports, an outfit by the name Bigul Mazdoor Dasta, which is a constituent of Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) or CPI-ML, was behind this. It sent its workers to Panipat and Gurgaon-Manesar first. In early April, they sent their cadres to Noida to tell the industrial workers about the success of Panipat and Gurgaon-Manesar. At the end of March, these comrades conducted a door-to-door campaign in Greater Noida areas like Kulesara and distributed their publication Mazdoor Bigul. They instigated workers to ‘rise against price rise, low wages, poor working conditions’.
Urban Naxals instigated violence
Phones seized from arrested accused revealed that these groups operated under various names, including one called ‘Mazdoor Andolan’ (Workers’ Movement). Incendiary and provocative posts were circulated through these groups, with messages also pushed to separate groups affiliated with various labour unions, the report noted. The evidence, uncovered during examination of the seized devices, points to a coordinated effort to mobilise workers towards violence rather than peaceful protest. Noida Police had flagged the role of “outsiders” in turning what had initially been a calm gathering into full-blown violence. According to officials, after workers had dispersed peacefully, a group from outside the district entered border areas and allegedly attempted to provoke further unrest. Several of these individuals have since been detained, and police are working to identify others for further action.
When a substantial number of workers was ready, Bigul Mazdoor Dasta orchestrated a protest near NSEZ Metro Station on April 9. Hundreds of workers participated in the protest. Meanwhile, in Phase-2 of the industrial hub, workers in Richa Global Pvt Ltd also launched protests against low wages and poor working conditions. Bigul Mazdoor Dasta circulated the images of the protests immediately and widely, with an instigating message that the protest was spreading to garment clusters in Noida too. By April 8, the situation escalated with more workers launching protests.
At this juncture, the Leftist narrative started raising its ugly head with statements like ‘workers are deprived of basic rights but capitalists usurp the money of workers’ toil’, ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ etc. By April 10 and 11, the protests were mobilised in the hosiery and garment cluster, and also to the global automotive component manufacturing unit of Motherson Sumi Systems Ltd in Noida Sector-84.
Instigating Workers, Massive Jams
By this time, the police had identified some instigators. Accordingly, they detained four individuals namely Rupesh, Akruti, Srushti, and Manisha. Still. The WhatsApp groups were actively provoking the workers. More and more workers participated in protests, affecting the operations of various companies. By April 13, the actors behind the curtains took their strategy further, and instigated workers through messages that police had arrested a worker Sham Murti and several other workers were ‘marching’ towards Phase-2 police station. The Delhi-Noida border traffic was brought to a halt by the workers. The instigation had its effect and the workers resorted to vandalism, arson, stone-pelting, damaging cars of officials in various companies. There was chaos everywhere.
It made national headlines. However, what came out pointed at something sinister at play. Apart from the involvement of Bigul Mazdoor Dasta, names of some other organisations came to fore. These included Mazdoor Adhikar Sangharsh Abhiyan (MASA) comprising 16 labour unions, Mazdoor Ekta Committee, Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) affiliated with CPI-Marxist, IFTU, Sarvahara, All India Labour Reform Sangharsh Abhiyan (AILRSA), Centre for Struggling Trade Unions (CSTU), Revolutionary Workers’ Party of India (RWPI), Krantikari MNREGA Mazdoor Union, and Naujawan Bharat Sabha.
The above-mentioned AILRSA has an abbreviation similar to that of All India Loco Running Staff Association. But, there is something more common. The All India Loco Running Staff Association had staged ‘militant protests’ in Delhi last month. And, the representatives of the organisations behind Noida violence – Mazdoor Ekta Committee, CITU, IFTU Sarwahara, and the Bigul Mazdoor Dasta – had expressed ‘solidarity’ there. So, the affiliates of both the AILRSA are the same.
As for MASA, its constituent organisations include All India Workers Council, Bihar Nirman va Asangathit Shramik Union, CSTU, Grameen Mazdoor Union-Bihar, Indian Federation of Trade Unions (Sarwahara), Inquilabi Mazdoor Kendra, Inquilabi Mazdoor Kendra-Punjab, Jan Sangharsh Manch-Haryana, Karnataka Shramika Shakthi, Lal Jhanda Mazdoor Union (Samanvay Samiti), Mazdoor Sahayata Samiti, New Democratic Labour Front (State Coordination Committee), Socialist Workers’ Centre-Tamil Nadu, and Trade Union Centre of India. This indicates the spread of MASA, which has been trying to mobilise workers across the country against the latest labour reforms.
These are pointers to a specific design – reach out to workers through door-to-door campaigns, instigate them in the name of making them aware of their rights, mobilise them, stoke their sentiments through constant messaging on WhatsApp groups, and then orchestrate chaos to bring industrial operations to a halt. Two contact numbers – 9599067749 and 8210190662 – appeared repeatedly and were popularised by Bigul Mazdoor Dasta. These numbers were found to be tied to calls for strikes and ‘Mazdoor Bigul’ announcements on April 9 at 5:55 PM, urging ‘escalation’. Around 45,000 workers had participated in protests at around 80 locations in Noida, it is estimated.
The police had to fire tear gas to control the mob from going berserk further. Around 350 persons were arrested, and over 100 more detained. Uttar Pradesh authorities stated that it was a ‘well-planned conspiracy’ involving ‘anti-national forces’. Some even pointed to potential Pakistan links.
While demands were accepted post-violence, including dialogue, the damage was done: scorched vehicles, shattered windows, and a security alert.
Maoist Ideology at play
The developments reveal not an organic outrage but an ultra-Left blueprint for chaos. UP Police investigations reveal viral WhatsApp chats, audio clips, and Instagram messages indicating a coordinated conspiracy to inflame workers’ wage protests into riots. These digital footprints, recovered from seized phones and social media, reveal pre-meditated incitement rather than spontaneous unrest. The chats expose rapid mobilisation tactics – multiple WhatsApp groups like ‘Workers’ Movement’ activated two/three days prior to April 13, hundreds added via QR codes overnight on April 12 for anonymity and scale. The messages coordinated across labour unions directed workers to gather in sectors like Phase-2, 63, 65, 57, inciting arson, stone-pelting, and anti-police action. Instagram threads instructed carrying irritants like chilli powder.
These groups, known for Marxist-Leninist ideology and history of violent agitation, turned a wage hike demand into a tool for destabilisation. These organisations deserve a keen attention. RWPI requires special attention. It has been active in transforming economic grievances into riots. RWPI has been known for taking an ultra-Left stand. Its volunteers were seen during the National Book Fair in January this year at Nagpur, where they had set up a Janchetana book stall. There, they displayed and distributed the publication ‘Mazdoor Bigul’ and also urged the visitors to register for being a part of WhatsApp group to ‘receive updates regarding new publications’. The stall had kept books on Mao’s thoughts too.
The RWPI has offices majorly in slums in Pune, Mumbai, Thane industrial belt too. RWPI was often seen staging anti-Israel protests with pro-Palestine stand. RWPI was joined by Naujawan Bharat Sabha and Disha Students’ Organisation. It had even protested the killing of Maoist supreme commander Basavraju in an encounter with police last year. During a Delhi pollution protest, RWPI-linked activists raised slogans of ‘Hidma Amar Rahe’ glorifying brutal Maoist military commander Madvi Hidma killed in an encounter.
The involvement of these organisations arouses suspicion of a larger design. Is it mere coincidence that after the near-end of armed Maoism and mass surrenders by Maoists, there has been a rise in labour protests across the country? Does it indicate reworking of strategy by the Maoists, who had brought out a document a few years ago highlighting ‘change in relations of production’? Several surrendered Maoist leaders have openly stated that they had abandoned the gun and taken the Constitution in hand, but would ‘keep working for the people’. So, did they mean that they would continue with the Maoist ideology and continue to instigate masses, particularly labour class and farmers and students, in ‘democratic space’? Do these protests mark the beginning of something sinister, which may take the form of
‘Legal Maoism’?
Noida protests, which turned violent, need to be probed from this angle. There may be other dimensions too. But, if this particular suspicion proves correct, this needs to be tackled in time to stop the spread to other parts of the country in a big way.
