25 Years Of Governance: 1st PM of India’s algorithmic generation
October 7, 2026
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Home Politics

25 Years Of PM Modi Governance: The first Prime Minister of India’s algorithmic generation

How Narendra Modi governed India through its most consequential transformation — from the bureaucratic file to the algorithmic platform — and why history will judge him not by what he built, but by how 1.4 billion citizens came to experience the State

Satish UpadhyaySatish Upadhyay
Oct 7, 2026, 07:40 pm IST
inPolitics, Bharat
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25 years of PM Modi's governance

25 years of PM Modi's governance

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There is a village in eastern Uttar Pradesh, a farmer in coastal Andhra Pradesh, a widow in a Rajasthan hamlet, a daily-wage worker in suburban Mumbai — and in the past decade, each of them experienced something no Indian in any prior generation ever did. They received money from the government directly, instantly, and without standing in a single queue. They verified their identity with a fingerprint, not a stamp and a seal. They held a government document on a mobile phone in a language they understood. That shift — unremarkable in its moment, revolutionary in its meaning — is the defining domestic achievement of the Narendra Modi era.

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For a decade, the dominant frameworks for evaluating Prime Minister Modi have been political and economic: elections won, GDP growth, infrastructure, social tensions. These are legitimate measures. But they miss the dimension that will matter most to historians: the transformation of the citizen–State interface. The question is not simply what India’s government achieved. It is how an ordinary Indian now experiences the State.

The India He Inherited — The File State

When Modi assumed office in May 2014, India was governed by an administrative architecture unchanged in its essential logic since the machinery left behind by the British Raj. Citizens knew the State through its physicality: government offices, application forms, queues, clerks, files. Economists estimated that, in the pre-reform welfare architecture, as little as fifteen paise of every rupee allocated to the poor actually reached the intended beneficiary. The rest was absorbed by what Rajiv Gandhi famously called the intermediary layer.

The data of that era is unsparing. In 2014, internet penetration stood at barely 19 percent — roughly 243 million users in a nation of 1.25 billion. Jan Dhan bank accounts did not exist. The Unified Payments Interface had not been conceived. DigiLocker had not been launched. The Public Distribution System was losing an estimated 40 percent of its grain to theft, diversion, and ghost beneficiaries. The LPG subsidy was being claimed by an estimated 54 million ghost connections. The file State was not merely slow — it was structurally porous.

The India He Governed — The Platform State

The transformation that followed happened through the assembly of a national digital stack — a layered architecture of identity, payments, documents, and data. The JAM Trinity (Jan Dhan–Aadhaar–Mobile) became its foundational infrastructure. Each layer made the next one possible. The scale of what was built is difficult to comprehend in the abstract.

1.38 billion Aadhaar numbers issued — covering approximately 99% of India’s adult population; the world’s largest biometric identity system (UIDAI, October 2024). Aadhaar authentications surpassed 2,707 crore in FY 2024-25 alone.

56 crore Jan Dhan bank accounts opened since August 2014 — 56 per cent held by women, 67 per cent in rural and semi-urban areas — total deposits crossing Rs. 2.68 lakh crore (PMJDY, August 2025).
Rs. 3.48 lakh crore Cumulative DBT savings by 2024 — achieved by eliminating ghost beneficiaries and intermediary leakage. Beneficiary coverage expanded 16-fold from 11 crore to 176 crore. Welfare Efficiency Index rose from 0.32 (2014) to 0.91 (2023).

Rs. 6.9 lakh crore Transferred directly into beneficiaries’ accounts in FY 2024-25 alone under various DBT schemes. Subsidies fell from 16 per cent of total government expenditure (pre-2013) to 9% in 2023-24.
53.9 crore DigiLocker users as of June 2025 — holding 940 crore digital documents — up from 9.98 lakh signups in 2015 to 2,031 lakh in 2024 alone (Ministry of Electronics and IT).  49 per cent India’s share of global real-time payment transaction volume through UPI — recognised by the IMF (June 2025) as the world’s largest retail fast-payment system by volume.

The Unified Payments Interface deserves particular attention. Launched in April 2016, UPI processed 185.8 billion transactions in FY 2024-25, rising to 228.3 billion in calendar 2025, with a total value of Rs. 299.7 lakh crore. As of mid-2026, UPI processes an average of 66 crore transactions every single day — and by July 2025, its daily count had surpassed Visa globally. India now handles one in every two real-time payments made anywhere on earth.

The Direct Benefit Transfer programme is equally significant, though less photogenic. Cumulative savings of Rs. 3.48 lakh crore, a Welfare Efficiency Index tripling in under a decade, and subsidy expenditure declining from 16 percent to 9 percent of total government spending — even as beneficiary coverage expanded 16-fold — represent one of the largest improvements in public financial management achieved by any major democracy.

The Digital Revolution in Rural India

Perhaps the most underappreciated dimension of India’s digital transformation is where it happened: not in the glass towers of Bengaluru or Gurugram, but in the villages, hamlets, and semi-urban markets that constitute

the true heartland of the country. The IAMAI-Kantar 2025 report confirms that rural India now accounts for 57 percent of India’s 958 million active internet users, growing at double the rate of urban areas. As of April 2024, out of 6,44,131 villages in the country, 6,12,952 — a remarkable 95.15 percent — have 3G or 4G mobile connectivity. Rural internet subscribers grew from 115.06 million in FY 2015-16 to 405.33 million by September 2024.

BharatNet, the world’s largest rural broadband programme, has laid 6,92,299 kilometres of optical fibre and made 2,14,843 Gram Panchayats service-ready as of October 2025. The eNAM (National Agriculture Market) platform now connects 1.7 crore farmers to more than 1,000 mandis, allowing price discovery and trade that bypasses the traditional arhatiyas and middlemen who had controlled agricultural commerce for generations. PM-KISAN has disbursed Rs. 3.24 lakh crore to 11 crore farmers directly into Aadhaar-linked accounts. Farmer digital payment adoption rose from 11 percent to 43 percent between 2022 and 2024 alone.

The implications of these numbers are profound. The rural Indian who in 2014 had to travel to a district headquarters to access any government service can now receive income support, verify identity, access insurance, and transfer money without leaving their village. This is not a marginal improvement in convenience. It is a structural transformation in the meaning of citizenship for the 65 percent of India that lives outside its cities.

The Northeast and the Last-Mile Villages

No dimension of India’s governance transformation better illustrates the ambition of the Modi doctrine than its approach to the North East and to India’s border villages. For decades, the North East — a region that shares 98 percent of its borders with foreign nations and only 2 percent with the Indian mainland — was treated as peripheral to India’s development narrative. Modi explicitly reversed this framing. He designated border villages not as India’s last villages but as its first villages, and backed that rhetorical reframe with institutional resources.

The Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region incurred a cumulative expenditure of Rs. 6.11 lakh crore between 2014-15 and 2024-25 for the development of the region. Budget allocations for the North East rose from Rs. 36,108 crore to Rs. 94,680 crore in FY 2023-24. Railway budget allocations for the region increased from an average of Rs. 2,122 crore per year during 2009-14 to Rs. 10,440 crore in FY 2025-26. Under PMGSY, 46,296 km of rural roads were constructed in the region over a decade, at an expenditure of Rs. 47,279 crore. Under the government-funded telecom initiative, 3,718 mobile towers were commissioned covering 5,366 villages and locations across the region.

The Act East Policy — Modi’s rebranding of the earlier Look East approach — repositioned the North East as India’s gateway to South-East Asia. Projects like the Agartala-Akhaura Rail Link, the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway, and the Sittwe port access through Myanmar collectively represent the connective infrastructure of a region once considered too difficult and too distant to integrate. The long-pending interstate boundary disputes between Assam and its neighbours — Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Nagaland, and Mizoram — were resolved amicably during this period, ending decades of territorial uncertainty that had hampered development. The North East, for the first time in independent India’s history, is being built as a centrepiece of national strategy rather than an afterthought.

For Women — From Beneficiaries to Builders

The scale of women’s empowerment under the digital transformation era is best understood not through individual schemes but through the cumulative architecture they represent. Nine crore women across 83 lakh Self-Help Groups have been brought into the formal economy under the DAY-NRLM framework. The Lakhpati Didi initiative — aimed at enabling SHG members to earn a sustainable income of at least Rs. 1 lakh per year — has already created over one crore such women, with a target of 3 crore set for the coming years. The PM Jan Dhan Yojana, in which 56 percent of accounts are held by women, created the bank account infrastructure without which any of this would have been impossible.

The Namo Drone Didi scheme, launched in March 2024, represents perhaps the most vivid symbol of the directional shift in how the State conceives of rural women’s economic role. Under a Rs. 1,261 crore programme, 15,000 women-led Self-Help Groups are being equipped with agricultural drones and trained as drone pilots — to provide pesticide-spraying and fertiliser-application services to farmers on a commercial rental basis. Each participating SHG is projected to earn additional income of at least Rs. 1 lakh per year from drone services alone. The woman who was once the passive recipient of government welfare is now the operator of precision agricultural technology, earning on her own terms.
Female enrolment in higher education has risen by 28 percent over the decade. More than 73,000 of India’s

 

1.59 lakh DPIIT-recognised startups include at least one woman director — 43 percent of all startups have women founders. The Jan Dhan accounts, the Mudra loans, the PMJAY health coverage, the DBT transfers — each of these instruments has disproportionately benefited women, who were structurally excluded from the formal welfare architecture of the file-State era. The Algorithmic State, whatever its imperfections, has done what the bureaucratic State did not: it has made women its primary addressees.

For Youth — The Third-Largest Startup Nation

India has formally become the world’s third-largest startup ecosystem, after the United States and China. With over 1.59 lakh startups recognised by the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT) as of January 2025 — a number that had grown to over 2 lakh by mid-2026 — and more than 126 unicorns with a combined valuation exceeding USD 366 billion, India’s entrepreneurial transformation represents one of the most dramatic shifts in a developing economy in the past generation. In 2016, when the Startup India initiative launched, there were approximately 500 DPIIT-recognised startups. The number is now 400 times larger. Recognised startups have created over 19 lakh direct jobs, with the highest concentrations in IT services, healthcare, and professional services.
Crucially, more than 51 percent of India’s startups now emerge from Tier II and Tier III cities — a geographic diffusion of entrepreneurship that would have been impossible without the digital infrastructure of the platform State. The Fund of Funds for Startups has committed Rs. 6,886 crore to SIDBI, catalysing investments of Rs. 21,276 crore in 1,173 startups. India ranked third globally in startup funding in H1 2025, raising USD 2.5 billion in Q1 alone. The IndiaAI Mission, approved in 2024 with an outlay of Rs. 10,300 crore, represents the next phase: not merely a startup nation, but a nation building indigenous artificial intelligence capacity.

The Atal Innovation Mission, the CSIR innovation complexes, the four national Centres of Excellence in AI anchored at the IITs, the BHASHINI platform enabling AI in 35-plus Indian languages — these are the institutional infrastructure of a country that has made the transition from digital consumer to digital producer. The young Indian who in 2014 could only aspire to a government job or a role in a multinational subsidiary is today building the products and platforms through which the next generation of Indians will experience the world.

Gig Workers and Migrant Workers — The Invisible Economy Made Visible

India’s gig and platform economy represents one of the largest informal labour markets in the world — and for most of independent India’s history, it was also one of the most invisible. Delivery workers, ride-share drivers, domestic workers, construction labourers, seasonal migrants — these 400-plus million workers in the unorganised sector had no formal identity within the welfare State and no portable access to its benefits. The e-Shram portal, launched in August 2021, represented the first serious attempt to address this invisibility at scale.

As of August 2026, over 31.82 crore unorganised workers — including migrant workers and gig economy participants — have been registered on the e-Shram portal, each issued a Universal Account Number that provides portable access to government welfare schemes, insurance coverage, and skilling programmes across state boundaries. The e-Shram One-Stop Solution, launched in October 2024, further integrated 15 central schemes — including Ayushman Bharat-PMJAY and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana — into a single accessible platform for unorganised workers. The Ministry of Labour and Employment’s September 2024 directive to platform aggregators to onboard their gig workers onto e-Shram marked the formal extension of social security architecture to India’s platform economy.
The gig economy is projected to employ 23.5 million workers and account for 6.7 percent of India’s non-agricultural workforce by 2030. The worker who delivers food, drives a cab, or cleans a house in any Indian city is, increasingly, not invisible. They are registered, identified, covered, and connected. The digital State is beginning to include those who were always excluded from the paper State.

India’s Operating System — The National Digital Stack

The most intellectually precise way to understand what has been built is to think of India not as a country that launched a series of digital schemes, but as a country constructing a national operating system. The identity layer is Aadhaar. The payment layer is UPI. The document layer is DigiLocker. The service layer is UMANG — 2,300 government services in 23 Indian languages, 8.34 crore registrations, 597 crore transactions as of June 2025. The intelligence layer is emerging AI.

The Poshan Tracker has digitised nutrition delivery with 13.3 lakh Anganwadi workers serving 8.93 crore beneficiaries in real time. PM-KISAN transfers income support automatically to 11 crore farmer families through Aadhaar-authenticated land records. The Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission has created unified health identifiers linking patient records across hospitals. NPCI projects UPI to handle one billion daily transactions by FY 2026-27. None of these layers works maximally in isolation. Together they constitute something qualitatively different from the sum of their parts: an infrastructure of democratic participation at population scale.

The New Indian Citizen — Gen Z and Gen Alpha

India’s Generation Alpha — born from 2010 onwards — does not remember the file State. For them, scan-and-pay at a roadside stall is not remarkable. Aadhaar-linked bank verification is not an achievement. The welfare transfer that arrives without being chased is not a surprise. These things simply are. They are the baseline of civic experience.

Gen Z and Gen Alpha will not judge government by the impressiveness of its buildings, or highway kilometres, or compound GDP growth rates. They will judge it by whether the service worked; whether the payment arrived; whether the interface was in their language; whether they were treated as a citizen or a supplicant. Modi’s most enduring contribution may be precisely that he made digital dignity an expectation rather than a privilege — and in doing so, made future governments accountable to a standard they cannot retreat from.

The World’s New Perception of India

The domestic transformation has its external mirror in how the world now sees India. In September 2023, India hosted the G20 Summit in New Delhi under the presidency theme of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam — One Earth, One Family, One Future — and delivered what was widely regarded as one of the most consequential G20 outcomes in recent memory. Holding over 200 meetings across 60 cities, producing the New Delhi Leaders’ Declaration with consensus despite bitter geopolitical divisions over Ukraine, and securing the induction of the 55-nation African Union as a permanent G20 member: these were not procedural achievements. They were demonstrations of diplomatic maturity and convening power that repositioned India’s standing in the architecture of global governance.

In 2026, India assumed the BRICS presidency, hosting the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi. Organising over 350 ministerial, security, business, and think-tank meetings under the presidency theme of Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation, and Sustainability, India has used the BRICS platform to consolidate its leadership of the Global South while managing its complex relationships with China, Russia, and the expanding BRICS membership simultaneously. The ability to convene Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, and leaders from across Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America while maintaining its strategic partnerships with the West is itself a testament to the confidence with which India now navigates a multipolar world.

The international perception of India has changed structurally. It is no longer seen merely as a large, complex, difficult-to-govern democracy. It is seen as a country with a proven model of digital public infrastructure that smaller nations want to replicate; as a payments architecture that the IMF formally acknowledges as the world’s largest; as a startup ecosystem that produces unicorns at a rate that rivals the most advanced economies; and as a diplomatic actor capable of bridging the divisions of a fractured world order. That perception did not emerge by accident. It is the external consequence of an internal transformation.

Towards Viksit Bharat 2047 — The Architecture of a Civilisational Destination

Each transformation documented in these pages — the rural Indian with broadband, the woman with a drone, the gig worker with a social security identity, the young founder with a startup and a DPIIT certificate, the border-village child with 4G connectivity, the farmer receiving PM-KISAN directly into his account — is not merely a welfare achievement or a governance statistic. It is a brick in the architecture of Viksit Bharat 2047: the vision of India as a fully developed nation by the centenary of its independence.

The Viksit Bharat vision targets a USD 30 trillion economy by 2047, powered by four pillars: Yuva (Youth), Garib (Poor), Mahila (Women), and Kisan (Farmers). The digital infrastructure of the past decade is not separate from this vision. It is its foundational enabling condition. Without Aadhaar, there is no targeted welfare. Without UPI, there is no financial inclusion at scale. Without the startup ecosystem, there is no indigenous technology leadership. Without the North East’s integration, there is no true national unity. Without the gig worker’s registration, there is no inclusive formal economy. The pieces assembled between 2014 and 2026 are precisely the pieces that Viksit Bharat 2047 requires.

The road to 2047 will not be smooth. The digital divide remains real: only 27 percent of rural users are digitally literate, and the gap between connectivity and capability is vast. The Algorithmic State raises unsettled questions of data privacy, algorithmic bias, and the accountability of automated systems. The concentration of platform power in a small number of private actors raises questions that neither market nor State has yet resolved. These are not small problems. They are the defining policy challenges of the next two decades.

But the direction is set. The standard is established. The architecture is built. India is no longer a country trying to digitise its government. It is a country whose government is becoming digital in its essential nature — in how it identifies its citizens, delivers its services, routes its welfare, and connects its territories. The destination is Viksit Bharat. The infrastructure to reach it is being laid, district by district, panchayat by panchayat, platform layer by platform layer.

Topics: 25 Years Of PM Modi GovernanceAadhaar card
Satish Upadhyay
Satish Upadhyay
Sr BJP Leader & MLA- Malviya Nagar [Read more]
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