The Battle of Haldighati: Exposing the myth of defeat of Mahrana Pratap, reclaiming his true legacy

Maharana Pratap, the epitome of valor, is an unparalleled national hero who inspires patriotic sentiments and love for freedom not just in India, but across the entire world. Pratap doesn’t just awe; he ignites a flame that makes the heart of even an ordinary person swell with courage, bravery, and a spirit of sacrifice. Pratap’s extraordinary leadership, exceptional warriorship, unforgettable diplomacy, and a life character of the highest ideals prove him to be a great hero not only of his time but for all ages.

Unfortunately, from the British era onwards, a conspiracy to misrepresent Indian nation-builders and great heroes, and to downplay their success stories, later evolved under the shadow of leftist machinations. This created a perception that India was merely the region around Delhi, and that kings and emperors governing skillfully and continuously far from Delhi were somehow inconsequential.

Writing Indian history as Delhi-centric and portraying the rest of India as being governed by Delhi was a tactic employed by the British. Their aim was to legitimize their own rule by presenting Indian governance as having always been foreign. To this end, two centers for historical research were established during the British period: Aligarh Muslim University and Allahabad University. At Aligarh, a research chair for Muslim studies was set up with Mohammad Habib as its head. Similarly, a chair for Muslim studies was also established at Allahabad University, with British officer Rushbrook Williams as its head. This is where the process of distorting Indian history began.

After independence, these chairs were taken over by leftist historians. Suffering from a colonial burden and advocating Western culture, they relentlessly strove to portray Indian kings as defeated and foreign science and culture as superior to India’s. They even twisted stories of Indian kings’ victories into narratives of defeat. In this vein, the history of Mewar, which represented Hindu prominence in North India from the 13th to the 15th century, was written as Delhi-centric, effectively denying Mewar’s own sovereignty.

When leftist historians failed to tarnish Pratap’s pure character, they resorted to exploiting existing flaws and conspiracies in historical writing. Although these flag-bearers of the left spared no effort in diminishing the lives of all national heroes, Maharana Pratap likely became the biggest victim of their malicious ambitions. Through literary works, anecdotes, or deliberate falsehoods, they dared to portray Pratap’s positive aspects as those of a defeated, fugitive, inexperienced, or despondent figure.

In this context, the Battle of Haldighati itself is extremely important. Fought on June 18, 1576, this battle, lasting approximately four and a half hours, presents the clearest example of the leftist historians’ conspiracy. Let’s try to understand some aspects related to this battle:

1. Background of the Battle of Haldighati

The Battle of Haldighati was fought at a time when Maharana Pratap had newly ascended the throne of Mewar. Akbar, too, was employing various diplomatic strategies against different kingdoms to expand his empire and fulfill his ambitions. Akbar’s intention was to somehow bring all the Rajput kings under his sway, not only to utilize their unparalleled bravery and combat skills for his imperial expansion but also to secure easy routes for trade from Agra to the sea. Although Akbar was succeeding in his objective, with many kings and chieftains accepting his suzerainty, Mewar emerged as the biggest obstacle to this crucial goal.

Even before Maharana Pratap took over, his father, Maharana Udai Singh, had refused to bow before Akbar. Numerous peace proposals were sent to him, but Udai Singh declined to submit. Ultimately, in 1567 CE, Akbar marched on Chittor with a large army. A fierce battle ensued. Maharana Udai Singh, on the advice and decision of his chieftains, moved with his family to a safe location, entrusting the fort to Jaimal Medatia. Under the leadership of Jaimal and Patta, brave Rajputs performed ‘Saka’ (a fight to the death), and Chittor witnessed its third ‘Jauhar’ (mass self-immolation) where 13,000 Kshatriya women sacrificed their lives to protect their honor.

In the frenzy of victory, Akbar massacred 30,000 innocent Hindus in Chittor and its vicinity. This massacre included men, women, elderly, children, and common people who had no involvement in the war. While leftist historians wrote many praises for Akbar, they were negligent in exposing this heinous act of his. This misdeed of Akbar far outweighs all his good deeds and demonstrates his religious fanaticism and hatred for Hindus. This blot in no way proves him to be great or virtuous.

After Maharana Pratap assumed the throne of Mewar in 1572 CE, Akbar sent his envoys with peace messages four times. First, Jala Khan Korchi came to Mewar in August 1572 CE, followed by Kunwar Man Singh in April 1573 CE. Subsequently, Raja Bhagwant Das of Amber arrived in September 1573 CE, and Todar Mal Khatri presented Akbar’s message to Maharana Pratap in December 1573 CE. However, Maharana Pratap welcomed and received all of them, engaged in diplomatic talks, but rejected the terms of the treaty and sent them back empty-handed.

In reality, when Maharana Pratap became the king of Mewar, the region was grappling with the devastation of a terrible war. The Mewar he inherited was in a highly dilapidated state, lacking not only skilled warriors but also allies, as many chieftains had distanced themselves from Mewar. In such a situation, to hastily plunge Mewar into another war would have been a grave mistake. Pratap understood this. Therefore, by keeping Akbar engaged in talks and discussions, Pratap was simultaneously working on various plans to strengthen his army and gather resources. Thus, it was essential for him to gain sufficient time for war, and Pratap succeeded in this strategy.

In the Battle of Haldighati, Akbar had set the objective for his appointed commander, Kunwar Man Singh of Amber, to capture Maharana Pratap, dead or alive. Man Singh failed to achieve either of these objectives.

2. The Course of the Battle of Haldighati

The Battle of Haldighati can be understood as a nearly 5-hour conflict fought in three phases. The first phase began after 8 AM. In this initial phase, Mewar’s army advanced from the mouth of Haldighati and launched an attack. At this time, Hakim Khan Sur, from the left flank of the vanguard (Harawal), surged forward with his soldiers and broke through the right flank of the Mughal army. This caused the Mughal forces to scatter in the first onslaught, fleeing about 5 to 7 kos (approx. 10-14 miles) away, across the Banas River.

In this situation, the second phase of the battle took place about a quarter of a kos (approx. 0.5 miles) from the mouth of Haldighati. Here, instead of Mughal soldiers, Rajput soldiers from Kachwahas confronted Mewar’s army. During this period, under pressure from Mewar’s forces, the Rajput contingent of the Mughals retreated about three-quarters of a kos (approx. 1.5 miles) and reached the southern bank of the Banas.

Here, the third phase of the battle began as Mihter Khan arrived with the fleeing and reserved Mughal forces to assist, initiating the final, fierce struggle. In this phase, Jhala Bida (Man Singh, actually Jhala Man Singh) attained martyrdom. The final phase concluded after noon. The Mughal army continued to retreat through all three phases of the battle, and during the conflict on the banks of the Banas, heavy rain caused the entire field to flood, turning the water blood-red. It is from this incident that the place came to be known as ‘Rakta Talai’ (Blood Pond).

3. Outcomes of the Battle of Haldighati

• Communal Objective: The true objective of the Mughal army in this battle is revealed through Badauni, who was present. He gave it a communal color, describing it as an attempt at Islamization. When he asked Asaf Khan how to identify the enemy, given that Rajput soldiers were on both sides, Asaf Khan replied, “Just keep shooting arrows, whoever dies from either side will be a Hindu, and it will only benefit Islam.” From that day, Mullah Sheeri’s statement regarding Man Singh’s command, “A Hindu draws his sword to aid Islam,” also became true. This was an attempt to advance Islam through Hindus.
• Mewar’s Strategic Success: The battle ended according to Mewar’s war strategy. The fierce struggle of Mewar’s army instilled fear in the Mughal forces. They now feared entering the mountains. By the second day, Mughal soldiers were still reaching Gogunda. It was here that Man Singh and Asaf Khan set up their camps. Trenches were dug for security, and all entry points were barricaded. This fear was a direct result of Mewar’s victory at Haldighati.
• Akbar’s Forced Intervention: After some time, living like prisoners in Gogunda, the Mughal army abandoned Mewar, forcing Akbar himself to march with his army to conquer Mewar. The unfavorable outcomes for Akbar led him to confine Man Singh to his quarters (implying disgrace). Maharana Pratap, in celebration of his victory, granted land to Brahmins, proving his sovereignty. A copper plate inscription from Balicha village near Haldighati serves as proof of this.
• Shattering Mughal Invincibility: Pratap’s victory shattered the myth of Mughal invincibility. This was Pratap’s greatest achievement. After this battle, anti-Mughal forces gained renewed strength and courage to rise again. Pratap now became a symbol of freedom, self-respect, and struggle.
• Criteria for Victory: It is crystal clear that three factors are crucial in determining the victory of any side in a war: (a). The fulfillment of the declared objective by either side before the war. (b). The acquisition of substantial wealth or land through the war. (c). The death of the opposing king after the war, or his flight from his kingdom.

Considering the above points: (a). The Mughal army failed to achieve its stated objective of capturing Pratap, dead or alive, whereas Pratap’s army achieved its goal of teaching the Mughals a lesson. (b). After the war, the Mughal army could not plunder any wealth. Although they initially occupied Gogunda, within a few days, they fled due to Pratap’s strategy and the fear of Mewar’s soldiers, and Mewar regained control of Gogunda. (c). In this war, Pratap not only remained safe but also, through his warriorship, established his might across Aryavarta and instilled great fear in the Mughals.

Based on all three criteria, Pratap emerged victorious, and Akbar had to suffer defeat.

4. Inscriptional Evidence of Pratap’s Victory

Jyeshtha Shukla Panchami, Vikram Samvat 1630 (June 1573 CE): Mentions Maharana Pratap’s land grant to a Brahmin.

Krishna Paksha 3, Vikram Samvat 1634 (1577 CE): Maharana Pratap granted the village of Oda as jagir to his priest Ram for meritorious acts to Lord Kashi. Pancholi Jeta had removed the Mughal outpost from Oda. Since it was the village of priest Ram’s jagir, it was given back to him.

Phalguna Shukla Panchami, Vikram Samvat 1639 (March 1583 CE): Maharana Pratap granted Mrigeshwar village (Mirghesar).

Jyeshtha Shukla Ekadashi, Vikram Samvat 1642: Ranchhod Rai Temple Inscription, Surkhand Ka Kheda, Sarada.

• Meaning: Maharana Dhiraj Pratapsingh, having defeated the kingdom of Rathore, established the rule of the Sisodias in Samvat 1642. At that time, he fought with Man Singh, the renowned general of Mughal Akbar. Maharana Ji was victorious in this war. In this joy, the prasad (offering) of Ranchhodji’s temple’s dohli (land grant) was done. 4 hal (a measure of land) of land was given to the priest’s son. Jyeshtha Shukla Ekadashi.

Jagannath Rai Temple Inscription, Udaipur (Vaishakha Purnima, Vikram Samvat 1708, i.e., May 13, 1652 CE).

• Verse 41: “Taking his beloved sword-creeper in his hand, when Pratapsingh arrived in the morning, that hostile army, proud like a jilted heroine, contracted its steps and turned its back, fleeing.”
• Meaning: When Pratapsingh entered the battlefield with his beloved sword (like a vine), the enemy army, proud like a jilted heroine (freed from Man Singh), recoiled its steps and turned its back, fleeing.

Vaidyanath Temple Inscription, Sisarma (Vikram Samvat 1772, Magh Sudi 12, Thursday, i.e., January 26, 1716 CE).

• Verses 34-35: “From Udai Singh came Pratapsingh. He became (famous) on earth as an archer and a man of courage. The Kshatriya lineage freed Dharma from the Mlechha (foreign) ruler. And Dharma took refuge in him.(34) Dharma was protected by Pratapsingh. It was strengthened, so it became great. For the Mlechha ruler Akbar, Pratap became like a thorn in his heart. (35)”

Ranchhod Bhatt Pranit Amarkavyam (Canto 16, Verse 35).

• Verse 35: “Having arrived on the battlefield with his blessed army, the king (Pratap) who controlled the Yavanesh (Mughal) king, Man Singh – the cause of the Yavana army’s strength, the sole leader of the Yavanas – crushed his war-pride and extended his valor like a whetstone.”
• Meaning: Pratapsingh, who had arrived on the battlefield with his army, controlled the Yavana (Mughal) ruler, Man Singh, who was the source of the Yavana army’s strength and their sole leader. He crushed Man Singh’s pride in battle and spread his valor like a whetstone.

Raj Ratnakar by Mahakavi Sadashiv (Vikram Samvat 17), Seventh Canto, Verse 42.

• Verse 42: “Having taken wealth from the enemy’s tents and having re-observed the battlefield, that victorious king, Pratapsingh, marched towards Udaipur.”
• Meaning: The king Pratapsingh, having taken wealth from the enemy’s camps and having surveyed the battlefield again, emerged victorious from the battle and proceeded towards Udaipur.

5. Circumstances After the Battle of Haldighati

• Mughal Fear and Deprivation: The day after the Battle of Haldighati, on June 19, when Man Singh reached Gogunda with the Mughal army, fearing a sudden attack from Mewar’s forces, they found it completely empty. There were only a few guards at Rana’s palaces on the route to Gogunda and some priests in temples. The village was entirely deserted. The total number of Mewar’s people in all of Gogunda was merely twenty. They, too, had stayed there to sacrifice themselves for the defense of the temple. Badauni, who was present at the battle and wrote an eyewitness account, states that the next day, “Our army, after moving from there, inspected the battlefield to see how everyone had performed. Then, through the pass (valley), we reached Gogunda, where some guards of the Rana’s palaces and temple priests, numbering only twenty in total, came out from their places according to the old customs of Hindus to protect their honor, and all of them fought and were killed. The nobles feared that the Rana might attack them during the night, so for their protection, they erected barricades in all quarters and dug a trench around the village, building a wall so high that a horseman could not leap over it. After this, they felt secure. Then they began preparing a list of dead soldiers and horses to send to the Emperor, upon which Syed Ahmad Khan Baraha said, ‘What is the use of making such a list? Assume not a single horse or man of ours was killed. At this time, we should arrange for provisions.’ In this hilly area, neither much grain is produced nor do banjaras (nomadic traders) come, and the Mughal army is starving. They then started thinking about arranging for food supplies. Then they began sending soldiers from time to time under the leadership of a noble, with the intention of going out to fetch grain and capturing anyone found gathered in the hills. The Mughal soldiers had to subsist on animal meat and wild mangoes, which grew abundantly in the hilly regions of Mewar. Ordinary soldiers, lacking bread, had to rely on these mango fruits, due to which most of them fell ill.” When it is claimed that Akbar’s army was victorious in the Battle of Haldighati, such a pathetic state of the supposedly victorious army is perhaps found nowhere else.

• Pratap’s Strategic Control: Maharana Pratap established his camp in Koliyari village with his army, where the wounded were nursed. Bhil soldiers, alongside Mewar’s troops, blockaded all mountain passes and routes. Now, no entry into Mewar’s mountainous region was possible without their permission. On the other hand, the terrified Mughal army dared not venture into this mountainous terrain. With the help of Bhil soldiers, the Mughal army’s supply lines were also cut off, making it impossible for the Mughals to stay there for extended periods.
• Mughal Retreat: Man Singh maintained his military camp in Gogunda for four months but failed to take any action against Pratap during this time. Witnessing Man Singh’s failure, Akbar became displeased and summoned Man Singh, Asaf Khan, and Qazi Khan back to court. Akbar was so angered by Man Singh’s failure that he restricted access to his and Asaf Khan’s quarters (signifying disgrace). The imperial army, exhausted and demoralized, returned to Akbar in Ajmer. Maharana Pratap immediately took action, removing the imperial outposts in Mewar and establishing his own, then returned to his then-capital, Kumbhalgarh.

6. Historians’ View on the Victory of Haldighati

• Dr. Gauri Shankar Hirachand Ojha (Udaipur Rajya Ka Itihas, Part One, p. 442): “While the accounts of battles between Hindus and Muslims written by Muslims are one-sided, it is clear from the Muslims’ own statements that the imperial army suffered greatly, and even when Maharana Pratapsingh returned, that army was not in a state to pursue him. Their fear was so profound that they dreamt of the Rana lying in wait to kill them from atop the mountains. Even after the Mughal army reached Gogunda two days later, on June 21, the Mughal officers remained fearful that the Rana might suddenly attack them. Thus, they dug trenches around the village, built walls so high that a horse could not jump over them, and erected barricades in all quarters. Yet, the imperial army remained confined like prisoners in Gogunda and could not advance until the end, which led to further deterioration of their condition. Considering all these points, it must be concluded that Pratap Singh was indeed superior in the war.”
• Abdul Qadir Badauni (According to Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh): “At this moment, our army was completely defeated. The Rana emerged from the valley and attacked Ghazi Khan’s army, massacring it and reaching its center, causing even the princes of Sikri, Sheikh Mansoor, Ghazi Khan, and others to flee. Our forces fled in the very first attack, running across the Banas River. When I was going to Akbar with the news of the battle, if I mentioned a Mughal victory on the way, no one would believe it, and the people of Mewar insulted us by throwing clods of earth at us throughout the journey.”
• Colonel James Tod (Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, p. 334): “The 18th of June, 1576 AD, is a famous day for Aryan valor. It became a sacred festival of Aryan glory. As long as humans worship valor and greatness, as long as the Rajput race exists in the world, so long will the account of the aforesaid day shine in the history of mankind, written in bright and blood-mixed letters. This day will illuminate for eternity. On that day, the rock face of the sacred land of Haldighati and all its mountain passes were drenched with the sacred blood of Mewar’s brave sons. The Battle of Haldighati was the Thermopylae of Rajasthan.”
• Kaviraj Shyamal Das, Udaipur (Vir Vinod Part Two, pp. 164-165): “This Maharana was tall and sturdy, with large eyes, a prominent face and mustache, long arms, and a broad chest. He did not keep a beard according to old custom, and his complexion was wheatish. There was such intensity on his face that even now, looking at his picture, everyone feels awe. His sons, that is, the Maharajas Kumar, were as follows: Amar Singh and Bhagwandas from Maharani Ajabde Panwar; Sahasa and Gopal from Maharani Solankhini Poor Bai; Kachra, Sanvaldas, and Durjansingh from Maharani Champabai Jhali; Kalyan-Das from Maharani Jasodabai Chahuwan; Chanda and Shaikha from Maharani Phoolkunwar Rathore; Pura from Maharani Shahmati Bai Haddi; Hathi and Ramsingh from Maharani Khinchan Asakunwar; Jaswant Singh from Maharani Alamde Chahuwan; Mana from Maharani Ratnavati Bai Parmar; Natha from Maharani Amrabai Rathore; and Raybhan from Maharani Lakhabai Rathore.”
• Abul Fazl Allami, Agra (Akbarnama, English Translation, Vol 3, p. 244): “He was proud of the bravery of his ancestors. His ideal was that a descendant of Bappa Rawal would not bow his head before anyone. Patriotism, freedom, and national pride were his core principles. Rana Kika was of medium height, his complexion had turned copper-like from the heat of battle. His head was as large as a watermelon, his eyes large and red. His shoulders were broad and expansive. His nose was sharp and long. Rana, seated on his horse, appeared like death itself on the battlefield.”
• Dr. Devilal Paliwal, Udaipur (Maharana Pratap Mahan, p. 43): “Despite losing many of his warriors, Pratap and his army remained undefeated and safely returned to the mountains. Man Singh could not pursue him. In fact, this war ended in Gogunda, where the Mughal army suffered greatly and had to return unsuccessfully. Thus, the battle that began on June 18 in the plains of Khamnor ended in September in Gogunda when the Mughal army returned defeated.”
• Dr. Dev Kothari, Udaipur (Maharana Pratap Aur Unka Yug, p. 13): “The history of Mewar, inscriptions, and प्रशस्तियां (eulogies) state that Pratap was victorious in the Battle of Haldighati. The accounts of Mughal historians are sycophantic. Akbar’s victory seems doubtful from their descriptions, because even after the war, the imperial army remained fearful, dug trenches in Gogunda, built walls and enclosures, remained confined inside, could not obtain supplies, failed to capture Pratap dead or alive, the public did not believe Akbar’s claim of victory, they could not conquer Mewar, the Mughal army’s plight, and the confinement of Man Singh and Asaf Khan’s quarters due to their mistakes — all these facts do not prove Akbar’s victory.”
• Dr. K.S. Gupta & Sajjan Singh Ranawat, Udaipur (Bahuayami Rashtra Nayak Pratap): “In the Battle of Haldighati, the Mughals faced an unexpected defeat. Maharana Pratap’s victory in this war shattered the myth of the Mughals’ invincibility on the Indian horizon. The success achieved in this war further strengthened the public’s faith in Pratap’s leadership.”
• Prof. R.P. Vyas, Jodhpur (Maharana Pratap, p. 135): “Consequently, this war remained unsuccessful for the Mughals. After the war, neither could the Rana be pursued nor captured, nor could Mewar be made a part of the Mughal Empire. The area that the Mughals brought under their control for some time was deserted, desolate, and rocky. The Mughals gained absolutely no benefit from it. What Man Singh received in the name of the Battle of Haldighati and plunder was merely the Rana’s famous elephant Ramprasad. Due to the Mughal failure in this war, the illusion that the Mughal army was invincible was now shattered.”
• Kesrisingh, Pali (The Hero of Haldighati): “Without any doubt, it can be said that the Mughal army suffered a defeat in Khamnor. Pratap thoroughly defeated the invading army in Khamnor. In this war, Pratap instilled fear in the mind of his enemy, which demoralized them. Due to this war, Pratap’s name and fame spread to distant parts of the country. The fearlessness with which Pratap fought for his independence greatly increased his respect among the people of the country and significantly boosted the spirit of freedom in his kingdom.”

Even in the 450th year of the Battle of Haldighati, if a national hero like Maharana Pratap has to endure a conspiratorial manipulation of his character, what could be more shameful for us? This is an opportunity to expose the narratives fabricated about our national heroes and to establish them at the pinnacle of history. Let us all resolve and, by offering our contributions to this yagna of national consciousness, emerge from this conspiracy of mental slavery, experience self-awareness through self-respect, and take up the mantle of establishing true Swaraj.