The Union government’s decision to deport all Pakistani nationals staying in India in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terror attack has been welcomed by most people. This was the right thing to do given the dangers they posed to the security of the nation.
According to spokesman of the BJP unit in J&K Sunil Sethi: “They have no right to stay in the country even if they are married to Indian citizens.” Such individuals might act as “sleeper cells” for their country. It is possible that Pakistani spy agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) may be behind planting some of these individuals here.
His statement was made in the context of the news breaking out last week that a CRPF man had married a Pakistani woman, who he claimed was his cousin. Last week, CRPF acted swiftly and dismissed him from service. His case came to the spotlight as Pakistanis overstaying their visas, illegally in India, were called out.
Cross Border Marriages
In the Union Territory (UT) of J&K, marriages across the border are a common practice. These marriages were often between cousins separated by a border, with one brother or sister opting for India and the other going over to Pakistan. These marriages thus became a way of keeping familial ties running down the generations.
Growing antipathy, turning into animosity, between the two nations over the past three decades or more, first turned this trend into a trickle and it would not be wrong to say that this is about to end altogether. Barring very few alliances being solemnised even in these trying times.
In the Kashmir province, however, hundreds of Pakistanis, both women and children, are still living virtually undisturbed. Despite the Central government’s ordering all Pakistani citizens to go away. Perhaps there are practical difficulties which have prevented the security and intelligence agencies from taking any action against such Pakistani women and children.
Who are these Pakistani women and children living in Kashmir? Who facilitated their settling in different parts of the Valley?
Pakistani women, children
Both the state government of J&K (when it was a state before abrogation of Article 370 and 35-A) and the Central government are responsible. These Pakistanis living in Kashmir are dependents of terrorists who renounced the gun and returned to India. Either from Pakistan or Pakistan Occupied Jammu Kashmir (POJK) where they trained and spent time waging war against India.
The state government under Dr Farooq Abdullah brought in a rehabilitation policy in 1997 to give a chance to terrorists to give up weapons. Each AK 47, each hand grenade, each bullet then fetched the terrorists some money when they forsook them. The price of each item was set under this rehabilitation policy of 1997 meant to encourage terrorists, particularly Kashmiri youth, to join mainstream.
Over a decade later, in 2010, Omar Abdullah as Chief Minister (in his first term) improved upon the rehabilitation policy his father had pioneered in 1997. Under this policy, four routes were defined through which terrorists could return to J&K after renouncing violence. These routes were Wagah-Attari border, Indira Gandhi International Airport in Delhi, Muzaffarabad-Srinagar bus route and Rawalakote-Poonch bus route. If one of these four routes was used, terrorists giving up their guns were to get monetary benefits also by way of rehabilitation measures.
Surrender Policy
Under the rehabilitation policy then worked out, those terrorists who did not have reports of committing heinous crimes, were given amnesty. They were to be paid a monthly stipend for some time to start their life anew after eschewing violence. Skill centres were also opened to train these terrorists who surrendered their weapons and their violent ways.
Hundreds of Kashmiri terrorists availed of this rehabilitation policy but none brought back their dependents through any of the four official routes. Most of these former terrorists got in touch with their family members, used their links and staged “surrenders’’ before the local police. These women and their children are now a part of the Kashmir society. But they are neither here nor there as their legal status is not clearly defined.
All these years, the local police did not act against them as most of the political parties of the Kashmir valley support their continued living here. Be it the ruling National Conference (NC), PDP of Mehbooba Mufti, or People’s Conference (PC) of Sajjad Lone, all of them have been in favour of allowing them to stay here, and demand conferring of Indian citizenship on them.
The 2010 surrender policy in J&K aimed to facilitate the return of ex-militants who had crossed over to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoJK) or Pakistan for training, but later chose to return to J&K. This policy was worked out during Omar Abdullah’s stewardship of the state, with Governor N.N. Vohra, being involved at every step of the way in formulation of this policy.
Policy Period
The rehabilitation policy was to applicable to such Kashmiri youth who had travelled to Pakistan Occupied Jammu Kashmir (POJK) or Pakistan between January 1, 1989, and December 31, 2009. Both dates were included and it extended to dependents of those returning, including wives and children who were offered counselling and documentation assistance.
The stated aim of the policy was to facilitate the reintegration of ex-terrorists into mainstream society. Imparting them vocational training in different trades was also envisaged so that these “misguided youth’’ could become self-employed and earn their livelihood.
This is a 20-page document dated September 3, 2010. This policy was a continuation of the Rehabilitation Policy of June 1997 which Farooq Abdullah had brought in. It needs to be mentioned here that he had resigned in January 1990 and till October 1996, for a long time, there was no democratic government chosen through elections in J&K. He came back to power in elections the results of which were declared in early October 1996.
The rehabilitation policy of 1997 was one of the first steps taken by him, in consultation with the Central government, to try to lure away Kashmiri youth who had picked up guns. A good number of these youths had felt disillusioned with the manner in which they were treated by their Pakistani handlers. These youth had initially joined terrorism and picked up guns in the belief that Pakistan will help them get “azadi’’.
