It is rare that an Indian Prime Minister spends three days on a visit to a neighbouring country. Prime Minister Modi made an exception during his recent visit to Sri Lanka. India and Sri Lanka signed a first formal Defence Cooperation Agreement during the historic visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to this island nation from 4-6 April. Both the countries have shared close bilateral relations, including defence cooperation. But a formal defence agreement eluded them, for a variety of reasons. Coming in the backdrop of changed foreign policy dynamics in Bangladesh and its recent overtures in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) to invite China, the new defence cooperation agreement between two traditional neighbours has huge strategic significance.
As far as military relations between India and Sri Lanka are concerned, the images of Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) operations flash in my mind. Indian Army intervened militarily in the island nation, based on the request by President Jayewardene to then-Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The military intervention was codenamed Operation Pawan that lasted more than two and half years (August 1987 to March 1990). As a young officer, I had the opportunity to serve as part of the IPKF to take on the dreaded Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The operation remains one of the toughest for the Indian Army; 1153 of all ranks made the supreme sacrifice, and another 3003 were wounded in action. Even after such a prolonged military intervention, India and Sri Lanka did not enter into a formal defence agreement. This can be construed as a failure of our diplomacy in the early 1990s.
For me, the most memorable event of PM Modi’s visit was when he visited the IPKF Memorial in Colombo on 5 April, laid a wreath and paid rich tributes to the fallen heroes. He wrote, “We remember the brave soldiers of the IPKF who laid down their lives in service to peace, unity, and territorial integrity in Sri Lanka. Their unwavering courage and commitment remain a source of inspiration for us all.” This is possibly the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to the memorial and would certainly remind the nation about this most challenging overseas saga of the Indian Army.
Under PM Modi, India has religiously followed the spirit of ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. With Sri Lanka, India has always endeavoured to maintain cordial relations. The visit of the newly elected Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to India from 15-17 December last year, his first maiden overseas trip, raised hopes of a positive revival between the two neighbours. The visit saw a great amount of warmth and hospitality from India. At that point in time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had a detailed discussion with the Sri Lankan President, and they both addressed the media too. PM Modi had also accepted the invitation to a reciprocal visit to Sri Lanka.
The bilateral ties between India and Sri Lanka were further strengthened after the visit of Dissanayake. Indian diplomats worked overtime to understand the sensitivities of the new regime in Sri Lanka. India is Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner, and so far, India has extended a $5 billion line of credit to Sri Lanka. The economic ties focus on people-to-people connections with an emphasis on education, health, agriculture, fisheries, solar energy and digitisation. PM Modi also outlined a futuristic vision for the bilateral ties that will bring new speed and energy to the relationship.
The defence cooperation and military-to-military cooperation between India and Sri Lanka have remained strong. India trains the officer cadre and junior leadership of Sri Lankan armed forces in many of its training establishments. Though China and Pakistan have been trying to lure Sri Lanka into military cooperation, the island nation has trusted India the most. With a formal defence agreement, the military cooperation between the two nations can be elevated to the next level. The personal equation between the senior military leadership of both nations is likely to pay rich dividends in realising the potential of the defence agreement.
The Sri Lankan President visited China in January this year. Sri Lanka is crucial for realising China’s global ambitions in the IOR. Sri Lanka even entered the Belt and Road Agreement (BRI) with China, which has the potential to threaten India’s security concerns in the region. But now the region and the Sri Lankan leadership are aware of the economic debt trap policy mastered by the Chinese. Therefore, the balancing act by Sri Lanka between India and China is critical to navigating the relationship in the choppy seas of the IOR. With Bangladesh having drifted away after the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina regime in August last year, India cannot afford more turbulence in its neighbourhood.
In the last five years, Indo-Sri Lanka relations had to face the Chinese challenge. Sri Lanka remains a key destination for China to pursue String of Pearls in order to dominate the IOR. The lease of strategic Hambantota Port by Sri Lanka to China for 99 years has become problematic to India’s concerns. Sri Lanka also went through a major economic crisis in the latter part of 2021, and then India bailed it out economically with $ 4 billion in aid in the year 2022. That once again swung the relationship in India’s favour, at least for the time being. The outgoing Sri Lankan President, Ranil Wickremesinghe, agreed in the year 2023 that Sri Lanka will not permit its territory to be used against India’s security interests. However, the presence of Chinese maritime ships in the garb of ‘research vessels’ in the vicinity of the Sri Lankan maritime boundary has been a cause of major security concern for India.
However, the new Defence Cooperation Agreement should be able to strengthen bilateral relations in these difficult times. The pact reflects the shared strategic vision of both nations in the IOR and highlights growing interdependence on security and strategic issues. India has insisted on a formal agreement to prevent frequent changes in stance with different political ideologies in Sri Lanka, and thus, it is a major diplomatic victory for the MEA. India has emerged as a major exporter of defence hardware, and thus, both nations should have compatible equipment for better combat synergy. India should now strive to reduce Sri Lanka’s dependence on Chinese and Pak military hardware.
The defence cooperation agreement includes joint military exercises, training programmes and high-level exchanges. It reinforces the idea that the security of both countries is interconnected. The broad framework of respecting each other’s security concerns and not permitting any activity that compromises the immediate and long-term threats is another highlight of the deal. The other details were not made public but certainly would be part of the blueprint. In his speech, President Dissanayake also reassured that Sri Lankan territory will not be used against India. PM Modi did not fail to raise the issue of Tamils of Sri Lanka. With a fruitful visit of PM Modi to Sri Lanka, Indo-Sri Lanka relations are now on an assured growth trajectory.
India’s neighbourhood has not been very stable in the last five years. Therefore, India needs a reliable neighbour like Bhutan to deal with China’s growing influence on the IOR. As Bhutan has stood with India in dealing with the Chinese threat in the Himalayas, India needs an equally reliable partner in the high seas to its south. The deepening of relations after Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka adds a new chapter to India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. The defence cooperation agreement between India and Sri Lanka has the potential to bring more peace, development and prosperity to both nations, with a secure neighbourhood. It also reinforces India’s standing as the leader of the Global South for equitable growth in the region.
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