The Myanmar army and other military wings have over the years created a world of their own – isolated from the mainstream civilian population in Myanmar.
New Delhi: The security apparatus in New Delhi is concerned with growing incidents of violence in Myanmar between the military and the civil 'resistance' groups.
Several ethnic Naga, Mizo, Manipuri and even Assamese rebels from northeastern India have maintained bases in Myanmar's Sagaing Region. The modus operandi used to be simple launch attacks on Indian forces and then return to their camps and hideouts across the border.
The intense fighting between the Myanmar military and the 'joint forces' of Chin National Army (CNA) militants and Chinland Defence Force (CDF) is somewhat a new dimension. Earlier this week, four injured cadres from Chin forces sneaked into Mizoram state in northeast India, said local sources in Mizoram.
There is a predicament, as gathering hard intelligence from Myanmar is a tough proposition. It is more so because Myanmar's army and other military wings have over the years created a world of their own, isolated from the mainstream civilian population in Myanmar.
"The 'Tatmadew', Myanmar military, is self-reliant and self-contained. They even have a bank of their own," says a source adding nearly three per cent of the Myanmar population is in the force. But these 'army men, families and retired military officers' are a sort of clan even with their educational institutions and hospitals. Therefore, as the civilian interaction is minimum, they conceal a lot of information. Even the social structure is quite different from the rest of the common Myanmar people.
Sources said after 2011, when the Aung San Suu Kyi regime returned, the army insisted on continuing their governance by controlling the country's foreign and defence policies.
An analyst pointed out that even among the military wings in Myanmar, it is the army like in Pakistan who runs the show. The Myanmar navy and air force have not 'enjoyed' the same status, and there were some reports of some friction. The army's dominance has ensured that despite 'market opening' in recent years and foreign companies penetrating, the army still attracts recruits from all walks of life.
Of course, under the Aung San Suu Kyi regime, efforts were made to modernise and broaden the country's armed forces.
For some time, even non-Buddhists were allowed to rise the ranks and women were taken in the forces. But essentially, the forces have remained 'Bamar Buddhist' forces, isolated from the civilian population and as elite class or clan on their own. The term 'Bamar' is also used for denoting a dominant ethnic group.
Hence, analysts say "fundamental changes" to Myanmar must come from within, and till then, the world has to cope with the country as it is. But when it comes to Generals in Myanmar, including the incumbent military ruler, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, there is an unusual but common thread of superstitions and autocratic styles.
The unpopular military power grab by most if not all generals had also tried to emphasise the country's cultural heritage and 'national character'. Time and again, the military coups keep happening, irrespective of the international community's thoughts about the country.
According to experts and analysts in Delhi or elsewhere, one reason is that authoritarianism forms an important part of Myanmar's national character.
