Many experiments have been done in J&K to diffuse the long-standing crisis. Can the Valley hope for a whiff of fresh air
Harbans Singh
At this stage it is futile to get into the blame game of as to who committed blunders in the course of J&K’s recent past. But it is instructive to recall the serious crises that the state went through and the manner it overcame them.
The first crisis was at the time of dismissal and arrest of Sheikh Abdullah as prime minister in the early fifties. The second was when the ‘Holy Relic’ was stolen from Hazratbal in late 1963 and, the third major crisis hit the state in 1989, which was different from the earlier two crises since it was not triggered by a single event but had been brewing as a result of the lopsided policies of Government of India in the early eighties.
The first one was managed by a judicious mix of hard administrative measures and an effective political leadership, while the second one was managed by the Central leaders who were helped in no small measure by the Kashmiri people and the fear of retribution by the culprits of the theft of ‘Moe-e-muqqadas’.
However, the third crisis was a long-drawn out affair which was managed and controlled by forces beyond our borders but, in the end, it too was contained by the administrative acumen of many of the State officers and the political will of the Centre.
But in dealing with the prolonged third crisis, the State had to be put under the Governor’s Rule for a long period and a free hand given to the forces and bureaucrats to set the house in order.
Today, we seem to be replaying the run-up to the Governor’s Rule that we had in late eighties and which continued till 1996. The Governor’s rule is never very healthy in democracy, but if the situation continues to deteriorate then perhaps Centre will have to think over the option.
It is also time to rethink on the Centre’s policy on Article 370 and learn lessons from the mistakes of Congress which first handed over power to Sheikh Abdullah, then tried to control the State and later entered into an unholy alliance with the National Conference in 1987 Assembly elections.
It may be recalled that the biggest blow against that Article was delivered when G M Sadiq was the Prime Minister of the State and he was instrumental in not only having the nomenclature of Prime Minister changed to Chief Minister and Sadar-i-Riyasat to Governor but in extending many other provisions that enhanced integration of the State. Except for a few whimpering sounds, life had moved on seamlessly. But if that kind of era has to be recreated then we need to have leaders who are from among the people and are capable of leading them rather than being led by the perceived mood of the people. Thus the first requirement is to have local leaders who are capable of influencing public opinion rather than being swept by it.
It is never too late to recognise the error of any bad call and take steps for course correction. No amount of honest administration can make up for the political betrayal that people feel. Gone are the days when ‘bijli, paani and sadak’ could win the hearts of the people. These are the things that any government is supposed to do and none is obliged when a government discharges its duties. Often the non-tangibles are more important and that for a Kashmiri includes the feeling of being the ‘special’ one in the country.
Therefore, while both the BJP and the PDP should go to their respective drawing boards, the State needs a administration that weans back the people to the important task of building a society in which their children have a decent chance to display the full potential of their talents. Looking at the chaos and hopelessness today, it is a giant task that requires herculean and collective effort.
In this, the Prime Minister can put the enormous goodwill and influence that he enjoys in the country to good use by convincing people and the State governments in the rest of the country to be tolerant and accommodating of Kashmiri students’ foibles and frailties. It needs to be remembered that most of them have had a blinkered view of the country and that India is too big and too strong an idea to be affected by the loyalties of the few to a particular team in a cricket or a hockey match, nor can the slogans of the few, however provocative, shake the foundation of India’s territorial integrity.
But if exposure to freedom and opportunities, given by the democracy and Constitution help taking the Kashmiri youth in other parts and people of the country then that investment will pay long term dividends for all the concerned. We have taken wrong turns in the past; let us correct history now that we have a chance. No one wants to lose Kashmir, but equally important is the fact that no one wants to lose Kashmiris either.
(The writer is a J&K-based political observer and author of four books)
