The third phase of polling for the Lok Sabha Elections 2024 is set for May 7, and the battleground in Madhya Pradesh is nothing short of a blockbuster, featuring two former Chief Ministers and a Central Minister. Notable figures in the fray include Shivraj Singh Chouhan from Vidisha, Jyotiraditya Scindia from Guna, and Digvijay Singh from Rajgarh. Singh, commonly known as ‘Raja Sahab‘ among the locals of Rajgarh and ‘Diggi Raja‘ by many, has done a ‘Ghar Wapsi’ to his constituency after a 33-year hiatus. The burning question remains: Can he secure victory? Or will the incumbent BJP’s Member of Parliament, Rodmal Nagar, retain his seat?
To uncover insights, Organiser visited Rajgarh on April 16 and the following report encapsulates the details gleaned from this visit.
So-called Congress stronghold
The Rajgarh Lok Sabha constituency covers a total of eight assembly constituencies, namely Chachoura, Raghogarh, Narsinghgarh, Biaora, Rajgarh, Khilchipur, Sarangpur, and Susner. Among these, five constituencies fall within the Rajgarh district, while the remaining three are divided between Guna and Alirajpur. Notably, the BJP currently holds seven out of these eight seats, with the exception being Raghogarh, where Singh’s son, Jaivardhan Singh, serves as the MLA.
Delving into the historical significance of the seat sheds light on why it’s often referred to as Digvijay Singh’s stronghold.
Singh’s political journey traces back to his tenure as president of the Raghogarh Nagar Palika (municipal committee) from 1969 to 1971. His political ascent continued as he contested and triumphed in the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections of 1977, representing the Raghogarh Vidhan Sabha constituency, a seat previously held by his father as an independent candidate in 1951.
From 1980 to 1984, Singh was re-elected from the Raghogarh constituency and held ministerial positions in the Madhya Pradesh state government. He secured a seat in the 8th Lok Sabha in the 1984 Indian general election, marking the first time a Congress politician clinched victory in the Rajgarh Lok Sabha constituency. Before it, the seat was once held by an independent candidate, twice by the Janta Party and then the BJP till 1984. Despite losing to Pyarelal Khandelwal of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 1989 general election, Singh reclaimed the seat in 1991.
After a decade-long tenure as Chief Minister from 1993 to 2003, Singh passed on the political baton to his younger brother, Laxman Singh, who managed to retain the seat multiple times for both the Congress and the BJP. Following the Congress’s defeat in 2003, Singh vowed not to contest elections for ten years. Back then, he faced multiple charges against him.
He has also served as a Rajya Sabha MP since 2014. Singh faced defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls when he contested from Bhopal, losing to BJP candidate Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur by a significant margin of over 3.6 lakh votes.
In this election, Singh will contest against the BJP’s incumbent MP Rodmal Nagar. In both the 2014 and 2019 polls, Nagar emerged victorious, defeating the Congress’s Mona Sustani by a substantial margin of 4.31 lakh votes in 2019.
However, Singh’s entry into the race adds an intriguing dimension to the contest, given the BJP’s recent dominance in the area.
With Rajgarh slated for polling in the third phase on May 7, all eyes are on the unfolding dynamics of this electoral battle.
No trains to reach Rajgarh
Rajgarh, situated at the northern edge of the Malwa plateau, has long relied solely on road transport for connectivity, with no access to railways as of yet. Linked to the state capital, Bhopal, by a road journey of approximately three and a half hours, the route boasts a national highway free of potholes. Setting out from Bhopal, this correspondent embarked on the journey to Rajgarh, passing through Biaora along the way.
Before 1948, Rajgarh and its surrounding areas were princely states governed by the Umath Rajputs, a branch of the Parmar dynasty. They held a Sanad estate under the successive rule of the Sultans of Delhi and Mughal emperors.
Digvijay Singh, referred to as ‘Raja Sahab‘, was born in Indore, within the former princely state of Holkar, now part of Madhya Pradesh. His father, Balbhadra Singh, held the title of Raja of Raghogarh under the Gwalior State, which is presently known as Guna district in MP. To this day, Singh is commonly addressed simply as ‘Raja Sahab’ by the locals.
A visit to Rajgarh paints a picture of a village with a well-connected network of roads but little else to offer. The urban area spans only three to four lanes over a stretch of no more than five kilometres. The local market resembles a weekly bazaar, where a variety of goods, from grains to clothing to utensils, are sold along a single lane.
The local dialect carries a distinct Rajasthani-Marwadi influence, posing a challenge for outsiders to grasp. This unique linguistic flavour is particular to the Rajgarh-Biaora region. Furthermore, the traditional attire reflects a Rajasthani influence, indicating a strong cultural connection between Rajasthan and Rajgarh. Many residents of Rajgarh hail from Rajasthan, fostering a close bond akin to a ‘Roti-Beti’ relationship.
Arriving in Rajgarh on the day of Digvijay Singh’s nomination filing for the seat, this correspondent attempted to engage him in conversation, but he was preoccupied with his schedule. Meanwhile, Rodmal Nagar, the BJP candidate, was actively campaigning in parts of Biaora and Susner, making it challenging to secure an interview at that moment.
Singh had to ask people, “Remember me?”
Singh, now 77, has returned to his hometown after an absence of 33 long years, declaring to the locals that this election might be his last, as he has no intention of contesting at the age of 82. Following the announcement of his candidacy from Rajgarh, Singh started on a Pad Yatra, accompanied by his wife, Amrita Roy, and son, Jaivardhan Singh. This journey spanned 100 kilometres across the length and breadth of the Rajgarh constituency.
In media statements, Digvijay Singh has cited his self-imposed vow in 2004 to refrain from contesting elections for the next decade as a factor contributing to his perceived disconnect with the people of the region. He is relying on nostalgia from bygone eras to garner support.
Jagmohan Verma, the district Youth Congress president, speaking with the Organiser said, “There is a clear instruction for the workers and supporters of Congress not to get busy with meeting and greeting Raja Sahab. We all have been asked to go and bag votes for him. That is why you have seen, a minimum of team goes with him, wherever he goes, it is the actual supporters of Congress who join him in his rallies.”
Ram Lal Gurjar, a native of Amblabe village, tells that he will choose Raja Sahab over Rodmal Nagar as Singh has supported the people of this region so much. He has made the name of Rajgarh in the whole country and hence his vote is for him.
During one of his rallies, Singh asked a gathering of women in Chachaura’s Umarthana village, “Pehchante ho na? (Don’t you know me?),” as he urged them to vote for him.
Sitting in a tea stall, Siddhu Lal Bamneya said he is going to vote for Diggi Raja, as he never lost his connection with the people of Rajgarh. He recalled, “When he used to be the CM of the state, the doors were open to the people of Rajgarh. Recently, he helped a boy named Rahul Sanjoriya, who had an accident, with his medical expenses. So, he knows his job well and he is going to win this time.” Bamneya called the incumbent MP “Gumshuda Sansad.”
Opposite to Bamneya sat Ram Gopal Gaur, who pitched in and said, “Modi ji jesa PM nahi mila is desh ko kabhi..wo hi jeetenge..” (The country has never seen a PM like Modi, he will win).
Gaur added that all those who are saying Diggi Raja will win are doing so in formality, as nothing will impact Modi’s victory in the region.
Joining Gaur, Ram Babu Carpenter said, he too will vote for Modi, as under his tenure they have the Ram Mandir constructed. This reason is enough for his coming ten generations to vote for Modi and the BJP, he added.
A first-time voter, Jeetu said, “I am sure for Modi ji’s victory in this Lok Sabha elections.”
People trust ‘Modi ki Guarantee’
During Organiser’s visit to Rajgarh and Biaora, numerous individuals echoed sentiments aligned with those mentioned above. Many refrained from mentioning the incumbent MP’s name, emphasising that this election transcends individual candidates and is about the nation, pledging their vote for Modi.
Babulal Mewade expressed, “There is a Modi wave in the region, and the party is poised for a resounding victory in Rajgarh.” When reminded of Digvijay Singh’s assertion that he could challenge Modi and emerge victorious, Mewade dismissed it, asserting, “He won’t stand a chance against Modi. Singh is destined for defeat by a margin of over one lakh votes from Rajgarh.”
In a ward adjacent to the under-construction Railway station and medical college, with wide roads, a colony built under the PM-Awas-Urban scheme stood opposite. Seema, a resident of the colony, affirmed her support for PM Modi.
Nitin Mewade declared, “I will vote for Modi because I has realised his dream of providing homes for all. He embodies Hindutva like no other leader before him. His dedication to the welfare of Hindus is unparalleled, and for as long as I live, I will vote for the BJP.” He confidently predicted the party’s reign for the next 50 to 100 years.
A youth, Gopal Gurjar, standing next to Nitin said, “Boriya bistar band gaya diggi Raja ka yaha se, ab jaane ka samay hai” (He (Digvijay Singh) will pack his bags from here and leave.)
The ongoing developmental projects
Organiser visited the outskirts of the city, where work on a railway station was underway. The same thoroughfare led to an under-construction medical college slated to open to the public in the coming days. Within the city limits, well-maintained roads lined with streetlights contributed to a serene ambience, with minimal posters and banners around campaigns.
KP Pawar, the district BJP chief, informed that the development witnessed in Rajgarh over the past decade marked a significant transformation for the region. Once neglected, Rajgarh now receives its due share of developmental projects under BJP governance.
Accompanying this correspondent to the hospital under construction, Pawar highlighted the contrast with the old, dilapidated building previously used for medical services, dating back to the British era. Pawar asserted, “Now that Singh has lost relevance in politics, he seeks votes from the very people he has exploited the most. His motives are self-serving, aimed solely at filling his pockets. However, Rajgarh has made its decision, placing greater trust in Modi’s guarantees over Singh’s empty promises and outdated narratives.”
Ravi Sahu, encountered, reminisced, “Before 2014, Rajgarh was devoid of development. The roads were riddled with potholes, and basic infrastructure was lacking. It is only in the past decade, under Rodmal Ji’s leadership, that we have witnessed progress.” He questioned Singh’s sudden appearance in Rajgarh, noting his lack of tangible contributions to the region.
Pawar emphasised to Organiser that caste politics holds no sway in Rajgarh; it is the tangible developmental initiatives that resonate with the populace.
Vinod Sahu, chairperson of the Rajgarh Nagar Palika, elaborated on the region’s transformation since 2014. The construction of the Mohanpura dam has stemmed farmer migration to Rajasthan and Gujarat, providing irrigation water from the Parvati River. The establishment of an Adarsh school, medical and LLB colleges, and railway infrastructure has further elevated the town’s profile.
Additionally, over 400 houses have been constructed under the PM-Awas scheme in the town alone, with over 4000 in the entire Vidhan Sabha region. Vinod Sahu invited detractors labelling Rodmal Nagar as “Gumshuda” to witness the ongoing development projects in the region and contrast it with the era of Digvijay Singh’s rule.
No role for the urban-rural divide
Rajgarh boasts a population of approximately two lakhs, with only 16 per cent residing in urban areas, while the majority reside in rural regions. The Scheduled Castes and Tribes comprise over 50,000 of the total population, with Muslims numbering around 10,000. Despite these demographics, Rajgarh’s voting patterns are not dictated by caste affiliations but are instead influenced by developmental agendas.
During Organiser’s investigation, the conventional belief of Congress’ rural dominance and BJP’s urban stronghold was evident, yet this narrative did not align with the Vidhan Sabha polling outcomes. In urban areas of Rajgarh and Biaora, there is a prevailing sentiment favouring Rodmal Nagar due to perceived developmental achievements and the works done under PM Modi and Shivraj Singh Chouhan. Conversely, rural constituents lean towards loyalty to “Raja Sahab,” making for a closely contested election.
Chandar Singh, hailing from a village near Biaora, epitomises this sentiment, declaring, “I will vote for Ragogarh ke Raja Sahab.” Despite benefiting from a house constructed under the PM Awas scheme, he remains steadfast in his support for “Raja Sahab,” asserting that Modi’s contributions pale in comparison.
Key takeaways
Setting aside the significant rural populace and conventional voting trends, the electoral statistics from the last two Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections paint a clear picture. Despite being a stronghold of the royal family, the Singh family has only secured Raghogarh within the constituency, not its entirety.
In discussions with Organiser, locals reminisced about Singh’s tenure as Chief Minister, recalling a period marked by inadequate basic amenities such as roads, electricity, and water, earning the state the nickname of ‘Beemaru Rajya’ (ailing state). The hardships faced by women during that era remain etched in people’s memories, with many expressing reluctance to return to such conditions.
Some view Singh’s recent ‘Pad Yatra’ as an attempt to atone for abandoning the land and its people, who entrusted him with a parliamentary seat.
Critics of the BJP label Rodmal Nagar a ‘Gumshuda MP’ (missing MP), yet fall silent when confronted with evidence of developmental initiatives undertaken during his tenure. Allegations of Nagar’s acquisition of multiple warehouses and landholdings post-MP status remain unsubstantiated.
While the electoral battle in Rajgarh appears tight, a deeper examination reveals the beneficiaries of central schemes, the Labharthis, who have received tangible benefits such as housing, access to tap water, cooking gas cylinders, and Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT). For them, politics takes a backseat, and admiration for Modi takes precedence.
In Rajgarh, as in other constituencies nationwide, this election is undeniably Modi’s election, echoing sentiments even within the so-called bastion of “Raja Sahab.”
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