Indianisation, by Prof. Balraj Madhok, is a new edition of the book that was first published in 1970 by S. Chand and Co. Its republication now is prompted by its greater relevance today.
It pleads for the Indianisation of all citizens. Interestingly, the papers at Annexures IV, V and VII??The Muslim Communalism?, (Hamid Dalwai), ?What is Indianisation??, (M.C.Chagla), and ?Indianisation?, (Badr-ud-Din Tyabji), are from eminent Muslims. Explaining the term, Prof. Madhok says: ?it is nothing but the inculcation of a strong sense of nationalism in all Indians?Those who oppose it, either do not understand what India and her heritage is or they deliberately want to create confusion and scare in some groups for political and partisan ends? (p.18).
Answering, ?Why should we have Indianisation??, Madhok says, ?Indianisation aims at making every citizen of India a better Indian, a good patriot and a nationalist? Indianisation of Indians is as much valid both literally and metaphorically as nationalisation of industries and undertakings which are already national property? There are people in the country who want to waken and disrupt India and there are forces which are consciously or unconsciously undermining the unity of the country is the greatest justification for propagating the concept and program for Indianisation in India of today?. (p. 20).
?Diversity of languages?, Madhok says, ?have existed in India for ages, but they did not create the problem of linguism as it exists today for two reasons?. Firstly, India always had a lingua franca used by the elite class who provided the intellectual and cultural leadership in different regions. It was Sanskrit for long centuries till it was replaced by Pali-Prakrit in the days of emperor Ashoka and his successors. Pali was again replaced by Sanskrit ?when Mahayana form of Buddhism displaced Hinayana Buddhism in early centuries of Christian era. Later, the place of Sanskrit and Pali was taken by Hindi in its various forms, (Hindavi, Saddhukari, Bhasha), up to 16th century. States were never formed on the basis of languages (p.22).
The Turks and Mughal rulers introduced Persian as the official language. The British Raj replaced Persian with English. The need of mass awakening and freedom struggle against the British brought in the Swadeshi movement and use of Hindi and other vernaculars for mass communication. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister, according to Madhok, was more of a politician than a statesman, given to individualism and cheap popularity, (page 24). In his myopic vision, he got the States re-structured on linguistic basis. Had the people strong sense of nationalism, Shri Madhok says, they would have braved the small challenges of linguistic enthusiasts and thwarted all attempts of creating linguistic barriers. Immediate result of the Linguistic States was resurgence and strengthening of disruptive and secessionist forces (p.24-25).
According to Madhok, the process of Indianisation of Islam was started by the Sufi poet Malik Mohammed Jayasi, (15th century AD) who said in this epic ?Padmavat?, ?Hindu Turuk dovoo bhaye, apne apne deen? (Hindus and Turks have their respective faiths which must be respected), is an example of Indian influence on Islam. Jayasi has used the word ?Turk? for Muslims to distinguish them from native Hindus. (p.36)
On the implementation part of Indianisation, Shri Madhok says, ?From the point of view of size and diversities of climate and other things that go with it, USA presents a problem more complex than that of India. Still the way the leaders of thought and action in the USA have welded that museum of races, nationalities and religions into a compact nation? This has been achieved a planned and systematic campaign for Americanisation. Every new entrant into the USA'snational family has to undergo a course of Americanisation during which he is taught American English? and American history right from the first landing of the English immigrants of American mainland?Every school boy begins with a salute to American national flag. Even though the USA is a secular State, all official functions including meeting of the Senate, the Congress and even Municipal bodies are preceded by Protestant rites and traditions?. (p. 61-62)
Next steps, Shri Madhok suggests are eradication of regionalism, linguistic chauvinism and communalism. He has aptly quoted one Shri Rashid Beg: ?Each of the flower beds in the garden which is India has its own gardener who is more interested in his own flower-bed than in the garden as a whole? (p.65). He has floated the idea of another State Re-organisation Commission for restructuring the States on the basis of administrative convenience. Along with it, he wants that an Indian language should be developed for inter-State communication. ?As things are, Hindi or Bharati and Devanagari script are the obvious choice? (p.67).
De-politicisation of castes and communities is another important point for Madhok. Casteism, he has said, has already done a great harm. According to him, government should at least discourage the practice of using caste as surname and do way with recording of castes in census reports (p. 69). Communalism, especially the Muslim problem is a Congress creation, says he and also that defending polygamy, in the name of Muslims law, is like defending untouchability. It is essential to discard Muslim appeasement policy. Instead the spirit of sarva-panth-sambhava should be inculcated among Muslims. There is an urgent need ?to build up a non-sectarian patriotic and forward looking leadership among the Muslims. This is essential to modernise Islam and save it from becoming and instrument of perpetuating the hegemony of anachronistic Mullahs on Muslim masses? (p.81).
The book is a must for every Indian nationalist. The price is somewhat high, but I hope the publishers, (Jana Sangh), would allow substantial rebate to genuine readers. Here, I am tempted to quote Hillary Rodham Clinton (wife of former US President Bill Clinton)'sopening words of her recently published autobiography, Living History, ?I wasn'tborn a First Lady or a Senator. I wasn'tborn a lawyer or an advocate of women's rights and human rights. I wasn'tborn a wife or mother. I was born an American in the middle of the twentieth century, a fortunate time and place?.
(Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh, 307 Prakash Chambers, B/H 6, Netaji Subhas Marg, Daryaganj, New Delhi-110 002).