Exactly five years have passed since PM Modi-led government announced the abrogation of Article 370 and ended the “special status” for the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir, which is currently a UT. For the first time, Parliament used its powers under Article 3 of the Constitution and withdrew the statehood and created UTs.
Subsequently, Supreme Court put its seal of approval on the constitutionality of the process. The question which still looms: Has abrogation achieved its goal and is it sufficient to combat the remaining challenges?
The pain, tears and blood in J&K have been caused by Pakistan’s terror factory, radical Islam, Cold War geopolitics, separatist politics which stemmed from the argument of republic within republic which has been catastrophic, and fraught federalism. The decline in violence post the abrogation validates that why J&K had to learn to unlearn the hitherto ways.
There has always been a constant presence of every Indian PM, both administratively and politically in J&K. But nobody wanted to leave the “Madhyam Marg” (middle path) and take those two decisions— abrogating Article 370 and cross-border military strikes until 2019. These historic and sensitive decisions brought the entire discussion discourse of J&K in a completely distinct spotlight.
For the union government, fulfilment of this aspiration while continuing to combat terrorism with their resolute attitude and approach should be the yardstick for critically analysing the success of 5th August 2019’s judgement.
Let’s analyse, first from the perspective of political and economic governance. There have been gains on this front. Last mile delivery services have improved. Over 1000 public utility services have been digitised. Major projects under PM’s development package are near to their culmination. An estimate of rupees 6000 crore worth of investment are on the ground. The number of visitors visiting the UT increased from 3.4 million in 2020 to 211 million in 2023. The first half of 2024 saw a 20 percent increase over 2023.
Despite the detention of several elected leaders in August 2019, the people of J&K have shown faith in the democratic system. In 2024 general elections, voter turnout free from mishaps and unforeseen incidents stood at 58.6 percent. It is the highest in 35 years. Yet, the new politics of J&K remains in work in progress.
On the security front, the Valley has embraced peace. Although, yes the strong arm control has proved to efficient than winning hearts and minds. Pakistan’s two pronged strategy for Kashmir—independence followed by annexation has miserably failed.
However in the current times, the infiltration pattern has seen a drastic change: infiltrators are more active in the Jammu sector. Recent attacks on the army in the Jammu region show desperation and reminds us that the job of ending terror in J&K is far from finished. Pakistan along with its partner in crime, China are the elephant in the room and they cannot be wished away. The intertwined international dimension to the regional security continues to be a big challenge.
Measures to maintain peace in the UT must continue at all throttle by making J&K police the frontline of fighting terror, shutting down the UN office in Srinagar, restoring statehood could commence from Delhi like state model, encouraging new politicians, creating employment avenues, geopolitical isolation of Pakistan must be continued. Abrogation of Article 370 was an essential step, but it is not sufficient enough to annihilate terrorism. However strategy addresses necessary before sufficiency.
Traditionally, the security situation of J&K has been perceived as a roadblock to restoring statehood. Perhaps one can conclude that democracy and security are antithetical to one another. Restoring statehood has become a raging issue and requires a calibrating approach resolve it. Apex Court’s September deadline to hold elections could be a starting point. The Centre must realise the fact that the solution can only emerge when common people of J&K are involved. The needs of the people must be heard, not quelled. To address the alienation, the governance process should be accommodating enough to involve the public.
Series of reports from the ground and expert commentaries marking the five years of August 5, discussing the security strategies, addressing and shaping the future citizens’ point of view, a presence of consensus exists that common people need to be involved in making such governance and policy decisions effective and grounded in reality. Public are the primary stakeholders.
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