Madhukar Dathathreya Deoras aka Balasaheb Deoras is commonly known as the third Sarsanghchalak of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). But, that he was a social reformer par excellence, is not much talked about by the self-styled elite. Deorasji took over as the Sarsanghchalak when Parama Poojaneeya Guruji Golwalker passed away on June 5, 1973. The author still remembers the way the media of those days had compared Deorasji with his predecessor. They wrote that Golwalker was a spiritual genius and his successor does have no interest in spirituality hence RSS was heading towards an identity crisis! Some others said, Deoras was an efficient manager under the towering personality of Golwalkar, but, not a guide or philosopher like him.
But, those who were either swayamsevaks or close fellow travelers of Sangh maintained something else. Reference is to those who did not have the opportunity to see or meet Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the revered founder of the organisation. Guruji, the terrific personality, was the Sarsanghchalak they had seen. So their anxiety was quite natural: “Will the new Sarsanghchalak be a match for his predecessor?” Deorasji answered this question through his relentless, proactive, exemplary and sharp leadership until he relinquished the position, owing to ill health, when the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha met in March, 1994. He took over the leadership on the occasion of the monthly shrardha of Poojaneeya Guruji in July, 1973. During the customary speech he gave a clear cut hint of the modus operandi he was going to practise. He made it clear that his emphasis would be on social service activities and reforms.
His organisational activities and leadership thereafter proved that he meant what he said. He made social fraternity and social reformation the part and parcel of the organisation. When this matter undergoes discussion one has to study the chronological continuation of the office of the Sarsanghchalak. PoojaneeyaDrHedgewar was an unparalleled organiser. He studied the capacity of every swayamsevak in its entirety. Naturally he observed the extra ordinary intelligence and ideological might of Poojaneeya Guruji. In turn, Guruji studied Deorasji’s meritorious organisational skills and the tenacity to lead the organisation under any sort of crisis. Deorasji’s leadership vindicated Guruji’s estimation.
“If untouchability is not sin, nothing is sin”
Deorasji included social fraternity and social reformation in his activities using the powerful organisation which was even “Gods’ envy” as Guruji had rightly described. In another words, the priority Deorasji gave for the social fraternity and reformation was the practical continuation of the organisational expansion achieved by his predecessor. His historic statement “If untouchability is not sin, nothing in this world is sin” during the Vasanthamala Lecture Series, Poona, was the pragmatic statement of the lessons Sangh had been teaching its swayamsevaks until then.
Deorasji’s stand towards community ‘reservations,’ an issue which even led to street fights, was robust too. Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha of RSS was meeting in Nagpur during March, 1981. There was a discussion on the continuity of SC/ST reservations. Some delegates were afraid that the indefinite conduct of the reservations might cause some divide in the society. Sangh has a tradition in conducting the Akhil Bharatiya biathaks; It is always conducted by Sarkaryavah (general secretary). Deorasji did not deviate from that system initiated by Poojaneeya Guruji. Late P. Madhavji (senior RSS Pracharak, Keralam) had once mentioned to this correspondent that Guruji and Deorasji used to sit like ‘statues’ in such biathaks while they were in the august office of Sarsanghchalak. Former Akhil Bharatiya Boudhik Pramukh Ranga Hariji recently informed this writer that Deorasji used to interfere in discussions only when he felt that it was “absolutely necessary;” and it was confined to couple of sentences. The aforementioned interference belonged to the class of such rare occasions. He said: “We have to look at this issue from the angle of the ordinary people belonging to those communities”. The delegates got wind of his thoughts. The chapter was obviously closed.
He had no confusion concerning the necessity to keep the community reservations intact; because despite having some social progress among dalits in the country, he was very much aware of untouchability prevailing in several places. This single incident is an ample proof for his caliber befitting the office of RSS Sarsanghchalak. Once Sarsanghchalak was touring Kerala. A tall leader of BJP took his newly wedded son and his bride to Deorasji. The Idea was to seek his blessings for the couple. The girl belonged to a so-called inferior caste. The leader had proudly told Deorasji about it. He expressed his extreme joy to hear it.
Deorasji ardently believed that inter-caste marriages could play significant role in eradicating casteism. A senior swayamsevak in Kerala found out a suitable match for his daughter. He did not bother about the caste of the groom (even though it was a so-called inferior one compared to his caste). His only concern was the ‘merit.’ It was a purely arranged marriage; the bride and groom had no contact at all. It was very much beyond one’s imagination two and half decades ago! These days, lot of such weddings take place in Sangh families in Kerala. Similar incident took place in Kerala in the recent past. Groom is the son of a senior Sangh functionary. He found out a suitable bride who was again belonging to a so-called inferior caste. There was not even an iota of resistance or opposition on the part of the Sangh worker and his family members and relatives. Bride’s caste was not even an issue for anybody; a replay of the wedding of the above-mentioned BJP leader’s son. Several senior leaders of Sangh and Sangh-inspired organisations and hundreds of workers and prominent citizens participated in the functions and blessed the couple. These parents proved that they are the real disciples of their late leader, revered Deorasji.
Organisations for the Social Cause
When Balasaheb Deorasji took over as Sarsanghchalak in 1973, Vanvasi Kalyan ashram was not a massive organisation as it is now. It became a significant force during his time. When the activities scaled a satisfactory height he believed that it needed a powerful leadership. He zeroed in on late Bhaskar Rao Kalambi aka K. Bhaskar Rao, former legendary Kerala Pranth Pracharak of RSS, who had proved his mettle in Kerala as a real follower of Doctorji. The deployment of such a senior leader like Bhaskar Raoji underlined his deep interest in the welfare of the Vanvasis and in the necessity of assimilating them in the mainstream of national life. His stress on the activities among the fishermen community under the banner of Matsya Pravarthaka Sangham in Kerala carried the same spirit. (Now, Matsya Pravarthaka Sangham is the part of an Akhil Bharatiya organisation). He had two targets to achieve by engineering the activities among the weaker sections of the society. First of all, their industry and culture needed protection. Secondly, they all should join the mainstream of the national life. Every day we come across vote bank politics of keeping the weak always weak; they are always being kept under somebody’s diktats. But, what a noble thought Deorasji had and developed into action!
Deorasji realised the urgency of spreading the Sangh in North-Eastern states, the citadel of fissiparous tendencies and activities where gunshots were the daily cup of tea. Lot of pracharaks went to Nagaland, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Tripura, Assam and Meghalaya. They worked in those hilly, tribal areas weathering the adverse climatic conditions and armed rebels. Several of them turned martyrs. Some are missing and no clue even after decades. But, the Sangh activities went ahead. Sangh made satisfactory headways in bringing the people into the mainstream of national life. The Vanvasi Kalyanashram, VHP, ABVP and BJP made tremendous progress in the activities and achievements. One has to take note of the political development taking place in Assam these days in this regard. A good number of such pracharaks are from Kerala; the RSS workers of Kerala take pride in it.
The Mantra of equality with Fraternity
Deorasji always stuck to the style of social fraternity when he was deeply involved in the tough job of organising the vast Hindu society. His dream was the harmonious life of all sections of the society together.
He envisaged the same fraternity mantra in political field too; his ultimate aim was the param vaibahvam (pinnacle of glory) of his Motherland. He looked forward to the expansion, development and achievements of Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Janata Party and Bharatiya Janata Party, the political parties which swam together with Sangh, used to cooperate with Sangh and are still swimming together with Sangh respectively. He did not hesitate to advise them whenever it was necessary. But he did not cultivate the superiority complex or highhandedness for keeping them always under the RSS clutches. Nor, he tried to be their spokesperson. Policies of the political party led by Sangh swayamsevaks did not prevent him from airing his views of national or social significance. When Janata Party Government which came to power, after the dark months of Emergency mooted, the idea of forming a minority commission, Deorasji’s reaction was of utmost caution and farsightedness. “What Bharat wants is Human Rights Commission” was his prudent reaction. These were the words of a statesman who stood for social harmony and social fraternity. It had two dimensions: First of all, when a section or few sections are declared as minorities, naturally they will psychologically deviate from the mainstream. Secondly, those were the days (1977) when the reminiscences of fascist autocracy, brutality, oppression, nepotism, inhuman police torture, human rights violation, suspension of fundamental rights, uncivilised press censorship, etc. were still in the atmosphere of the country; it was hardly few months since the lifting of Emergency; naturally first priority ringing the bell to a sensible leader would be human rights. Obviously, the common solution to the problems the society as a whole faces would give impetus to the social harmony. Moreover, it is not the Constitution or statutory institutions that protect the minorities in Bharat, but the “Sarva Dharma SamaBhavana” of the Hindu society.
Deorasji’s concern was about uniting the people apolitically. But, appeasement was never his means to achieve this noble cause. He never called a spade a rose. He was the supreme leader of the organisation which suffered all sorts of oppression and human rights violations during Emergency. He was behind the bars during the entire Emergency days, from June 30, 1975 to March 22, 1977.
Emergency:
Leading from the Front
But, he did not lose his balance when mammoth rallies of thousands of people received him throughout the country when he was released from the jail after Emergency and the unjust ban on RSS were lifted. His advice to the people of Bharat in general and to the workers of Sangh and Sangh-inspired organisations in particular was to “Forget and Forgive” (the people who spearheaded anti-democratic measures during Emergency). Some could not believe it. He ‘disappointed’ the people who expected the RSS chief shouting for the revenge on Smt. Gandhi and Sanjay Gandhi who unleashed all sorts of oppressions against thousands of RSS workers causing deaths of several people and physically invalid life to thousands of people. But, the swayamsevaks who knew him and carried the noble Sangh ideologies in their inner hearts were not at all surprised. The then Home Minister Charan Singh told Deorasji that he would never forgive Indira. But, pat came Deorasji’s reply: “See we are social workers. You are a ruling Minister. We are bound to cultivate the noble quality of patience in the minds of the people.” All social workers have to keep this in mind. It was not a scream of a diffident person. On the other hand, it was the assertion of a champion.
The “right people” grasped those words in right spirit; “some others” did not! And, we saw its result. Some in Janata Party and its Government, blind with spirit of revenge, sans even going through the ‘rule books’ or not even having a glimpse of the Shah Commission reports, arrested Indira Gandhi and his son Sanjay. Indira, the shrewd politician, exploited the consequent sympathy efficiently. She turned stronger and engineered a split in the ruling Janata party. The Government fell. Indira came back to power in January 1980 as a more powerful leader. Of course, Deorasji knew the strength and weakness of the Janata apparatus very well hence his warning was well in advance!
Towards the unity of the Nation
Deorasji’s path was that of fraternity and consensus, without confrontation. He wanted the organisation he led to move in the same direction. Khalistan or Independent Punjab Movement and related terrorism and terrorist activities of 1980s are still fresh in our memory. It enjoyed the support of Pakistan. The idea was to convert it into a Hindu-Sikh riot and separate Punjab from Bharat. Pakistan and the Khalistan terrorists knew that their aim would be achieved only by provoking RSS and dragging it into the path of violence and confrontation. Deorasji, the master of quick analysis of any sort of complex and complicated quandaries, realised the conspiracy behind it. As a part of the conspiracy, the terrorists attacked a Sanghshakha in Moga, Punjab, on June 25, 1989 and killed 27 swayamsevaks, including small boys, in the Sanghastan. The incident hurt the sentiments of swayamsevaks living all over the world. Former pracharak and father of the then Punjab Pranth Pracharak was one of the victims of the terrorists’ bullets.
But, all over the country Sangh swayamsevaks followed self restraint. The aim of Pakistan, Khalistan terrorists and the global forces trying to destabilise Bharat was to invite a Hindu backlash; it was a prerequisite for them to go ahead with their sinister designs. But, Deorasji’s sterling instruction to the swayamsevaks was not to go for tit for tat. Lot of swayamsevaks sacrificed their life in Punjab. But, the dreams of the anti-national forces did not bear any fruit. No Hindu-Sikh riot was reported. The conspirators failed miserably. Sikh terrorism turned a unilateral attack. Punjab is still the integral part of Bharat. But for RSS it would not have been possible. ‘Social fraternity at any cost and use it for the empowerment of the nation’ was the working style of Balasahe Deorasji.
As a part of his excellent design, Deorasji sent Sangh pracharaks to Punjab from all over the country. They led the Sangh activities amidst the terror attacks and killings. Rashtriya Sikh Sangat was launched in 1986. It aimed at the fraternity between Hindus and Sikhs.
Those who drew inspiration from that organisation, later on formed Muslim Rashtriya Manch. This movement aims at bringing the Muslim brothers and sisters to the mainstream of national life while the vested interests are trying to separate them from the national stream; the culprits do rake the issues of Ayodhya, IS, Uniform Civil Code, etc. to win their separatist games. This proves that even after twenty years of the sad demise of Deorasji, Sangh workers still cherish his dreams and work for it. That itself speaks out the ideological command he wielded in the hearts of Sangh workers.
And, it will be an injustice to Deorasji if a reference is not made to the historic struggle Sangh organised against Emergency. After declaration of Emergency on June 25 midnight, 1975, Deorasji was arrested on June 30 at Nagpur railway station. Sangh was banned on July 4. Deorasji was jailed in Yerwada Central Prison, Maharashtra. He was fully conscious about what was in store for his organisation under Emergency. So, he had written three different letters to the workers before his arrest. They told the workers what they were expected to do if Indira was going to take autocratic path.
At least some senior swayamsevaks and functionaries were doubtful about the feasibility of peaceful reactions to the autocratic regime. By the end of July the clever Sangh workers had devised ‘channels’ to communicate to the swayamsevaks and functionaries housed in the jails. It was done with the help of some swayamsevaks who were not in active work and through some officials who were dead against the fascist style of the establishment. The workers got a clear idea from Deorasji, through one of those channels, regarding the style of struggles they had to select.
That the people of Bharat will only accept absolute nonviolent struggles, was the idea he conveyed. Rest is history. Sangh organised non-violent sathyagraha all over the country; lakhs of workers underwent, without any sort of violent retaliation, brutal police torture reminding Nazi regime; several workers died: Deorasji’s prophetic farsightedness saved the country and the Sangh from large scale holocaust and disasters. It is an interesting study matter for the students of history.
No room for doubt, political instability and anarchy we witness in the third world countries like Pakistan is not happening in our great country, thanks to the dynamic leadership and farsighted leadership of Balasaheb Deoras.
Therefore, he was the apt successor to Dr Hedgewar and Guruji Golwalkar. The successful mission of Deorasji was the translation of the ideological thoughts of both Doctorji and Guruji into practice; in other words, Deorasji’s contribution is an “applied RSS.”
(The writer is a Kerala-based journalist and senior RSS worker. He had close association with late Deorasji)
(The article was originally published on english.janamtv.com)
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