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New Delhi: In 2014, during the high-pitched election campaign, I travelled with Rajnath Singh, then BJP national president. At one point, I said, “The BJP will be coming to power but people have very high expectations from you all”.
Singh smiled back and said-“We will perform, and on certain aspects of good governance and national security, we will even take drastic steps.”
Whether a major initiative like Agnipath was in his mind, I am not sure. Even if he had, he hardly mentioned it. But defence-related expenditures and BJP’s focus on fighting the terror menace were something he spoke about at length.
In circa 2022, he is India’s Defence Minister, and the government has taken a path-breaking decision to encourage youngsters to join the military.
The government’s move would bring down the armed forces’ pension costs, along with salaries, which make up a huge chunk of India’s defence budget. The country can only pay what it can.
But defence preparedness calls for huge responsibility and planning. At the end of the day, one needs money. The government is actually being visionary in drawing the plan–billed as ‘military reform’-and also transparent in letting the country know how things stand in terms of revenue expenditures in defence.
Transparency is the only choice, and at the same time, another choice is to keep the momentum of defence preparedness going full steam.
In terms of military reforms, perhaps the government would also take steps in the future to correct some of the existing lapses-which is part of the legacy in governance.
India’s large share of the defence budget and GDP go on internal security plus VIP security than on revenue expenditure in the defence budget. China’s defence budget is five times that of India.
During a Defence Correspondents’ Course in 2000, a group of journalists from across the country were told at the Military College of Combat at Mhow that men in uniform essentially deliver focusing on three Ns – Naam, Namak and Nishan (Name, Salt that is – country’s expenditures
on them and the military insignia of the unit or regiment and national flag).
There is no case to argue that money matters or payment issues can influence the commitment level of the Indian armed forces.
“During my service, when interacting with the armies of many countries, my foreign peers wondered how the Indian soldiers recaptured the icy hills of Kargil, attacking them frontally (crossing the Line of Control was forbidden) at heights where mere breathing was a survival exercise,” writes retired Lt Gen SS Mehta in a newspaper article.
But having said these, one ought to debate an argument that is being created by negative forces that the four-year tenure types’ Agniveers’ may not have the essential motivation to lay down their lives aware that they are there for just four years. This is a far-fetched argument.
A soldier’s commitment to his or her nation is not decided by the years he is there in service or will be in service. It is perhaps created on the day – at least in the soldier’s mind – he or she joins the forces.
Of course, the task of military leadership by three chiefs and the strategic leadership by the Prime Minister and the Defence Minister is gigantic and tough.
All have to motivate their men and women and imbibe that ‘regimental spirit’ and unit’s battle cry to take on the enemy. Patriotism and nationalism are the flavours now. Even common Indians now talk openly about giving or doing something for the country.
Demonetisation in 2016 was a case wherein people suffered, yet everyone kept faith in the country’s political and administrative leadership with the hope that this would clean the Indian economy.
Another example PM Narendra Modi gives – about the surrender of subsidy money by beneficiaries on the purchase of cooking gas was stunning because the response came voluntarily.
If common people see things are tried ‘sincerely’ at the top, the mass level commitment and performance yardsticks are bound to improve.
A soldier not only follows his officers, he emulates them as a role models – sometimes even without knowing that he is doing so. The motivation in an army camp is so much guided by camaraderie and brotherhood that
officers from different states – when working with Gorkha Regiment or Punjab Regiment would unhesitatingly declare-“We even think like a Gorkha or a solider of that Regiment”.
The military is one component of the government that has always delivered and will continue to deliver.
The new experiment or policy move can not dilute the stance. But it is true that the detractors of the present dispensation would be working overtime to find fault with the new initiative as they have done with every revolutionary steps like banning Triple Talaq or implementing GST and Direct to Bank Transfer policies.
The negative forces in India and their eco-system should be told that when one makes a ‘hole’ on a plane sheet of paper and asks a classroom what they see – the possibility is all will say the ‘hole’. But the paper is still in your hand, and it is clean and blank.
We are at the threshold of making history. The ‘rediscovery’ of India’s military policy and keeping young men and women at the forefront of that process is exemplary.
Patriotism is indistinguishable from the military men and women and their lifestyles – a four years stint or longer would not make any difference.
The Indian Army has reportedly listed out weapon systems such as Russia-made smerch rockets, battle tanks and even missiles, but it is also reported that there aren’t enough funds to procure more of these weapon systems.
At least that stage will be over, and the country will get around 46,000 young patriots in the first year of joining the forces in camouflage.
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