KG Suresh
Many years back, a Pakistani journalist on an India visit was asked about the similarities and differences between her country and India. She said while the sounds, sights, attire and language were similar, one major distinction was that while here, she was referred to as a Pakistani, back home, she was called a 'Mohajir', a contemptuous term for the refugees who migrated from India post-Partition.
In the 60s and 70s, in Delhi and other parts of northern India, any person coming from South of the Vindhyas was called a ‘Madrasi’. But people from Andhra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu detested this description which they felt, and justifiably so, was derogatory as they had their own distinct culture and language. How would a Punjabi feel if he is called a Bihari, they would ask. With the passage of time, increased interaction between the north and south and the south’s growing clout in sectors ranging from politics and economy to entertainment and education, the equations have changed considerably.
However, even 65 years after Independence, people from the North-East, continue to be clubbed together and singled out and that too for their racial features. Often, they are mistaken to be Chinese, Nepalese or from South East Asia and referred to even by the educated as ‘Chinkies’ because of their Mongoloid features. Forced to migrate from their idyllic but underdeveloped states for education and job opportunities, these people, mostly women and youngsters, are not only discriminated against but also have often been victims of eve teasing, molestation and rape. What’s more they also find themselves at the receiving end of the utterly insensitive law enforcement agencies.
The role of the otherwise vibrant and inclusive Indian mainstream media too has been found wanting when it comes to the North-East.
Ahead of the recent Assembly elections, television viewers across the country were bombarded day in and day out with opinion polls, surveys et al predicting the outcome of the elections in the four crucial states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Delhi.
Though elections were also held in the State of Mizoram as well, not many seem to be interested in it as it is in the remote North-East and has least significance in terms of numbers which can determine Government formation at the Centre post the 2014 elections.
Why is it that our issues are not raised in the national media and discussed by the intelligentsia in Delhi is a common refrain in the North-Eastern states? Are we the children of a lesser God, they ask. Unfortunately, most of the North-Eastern states, except for Assam to some extent, don’t even have a vibrant local media to highlight their problems.
The indifference of the national media towards elections in the North-Eastern State is not only indicative of the physical distance but also the psychological distance between the so-called mainstream and the North-East.
During a recent visit to Arunachal Pradesh, one found that even the major roads in the State capital Itanagar were worse off than roads in some far flung districts of Uttar Pradesh or Madhya Pradesh. There were roads in holes rather than the other way round.
One was shocked to learn that there is not a single direct flight from either Delhi or any other nearby airport to this sensitive border State, which in its entirety is being claimed by neighbouring China. The only way to reach Itanagar is either by a weather dependent chopper service provided by Pawan Hans or by an eight hour long drive from Guwahati.
Work on some railway project is on but it appears to be a tardy and tedious exercise. There cannot be anything more ironic in the backdrop of all tall talks about building infrastructure to match the Chinese and what not.
For the record, successive Central Governments have pumped in crores of rupees for the development of the region and the State level leaders are often blamed for misappropriation of funds but interactions with State bureaucrats reveal how Central Government officials take their ‘cuts’ even for release of funds and during monitoring of projects. Funds allocated for many schemes get lapsed as the State is unable to garner resources to contribute its mandated contribution.
Many a scheme has guidelines which require certain number of people in villages to obtain the funds. With a small population, far lesser in density compared to many other states, most villages in Arunachal are unable to avail of the funds.
In the land of the rising sun, it is totally dark by 5 pm, when people are still working in offices in the mainland. Yet, they have to follow the Indian Standard Time. Why is it that India can’t have different time zones suitable for specific regions of the country? Why is it that we are called foreigners by other Indians when we are ready to die for the country?, asks Nikam, an engineer by education and a social worker by choice.
There cannot be anything more unfortunate that such an approach is being adopted towards the people of a State, which is claimed by China as part of ‘South Tibet’ and whose youth have never taken even to the streets, forget taking up arms, unlike their counterparts in other North-Eastern states. In fact, with scores of tribes inhabiting the State, Hindi has emerged as the lingua franca of the people who still greet each other with the ‘Jai Hind’ slogan. Can there be a greater bulwark against Chinese expansionism? Can the Indian Army get a more supportive local populace in the event of any Chinese aggression?
Yet, mainland India has always ignored the North-East contributing to a sense of alienation among these people, many of who become susceptible and vulnerable to separatist propaganda.
While sociologists, politicians and commentators have been attributing it to factors including insensitivity and conservatism of the North to lack of infrastructure and employment opportunities as also massive corruption in the North-East resulting in migration, the fact remains that the wide communication gap between the peoples of the region and the rest of India and ignorance about each other have significantly contributed to this crisis.
For instance, very few in the country have heard about U Kiang Nangbah, the legendary freedom fighter from Meghalaya, who was hanged by the British over 150 years back, thanks to a policy of sheer indifference successive Central Governments have adopted towards the history and culture of the people of the North-East,
The ignorance about other north eastern heroes and freedom fighters such as Lachit Borphukan, Rani ma Gaidinliu, Shaheed Kanaklata Barua, Bir Tikendrajit, to name a few, in the rest of India is a reflection on the Government’s education policy, which has totally neglected the history of the North-East. Forget Nanbah, most history textbooks prescribed by the Central Board of Secondary Education do not have any reference to the history, culture or traditions of the region.
While short term measures such as stringent action against culprits involved in violence against North-East students and sensitisation of police have to be taken up on a priority basis, it is important that in the long term, the Union Human Resources Development Ministry takes steps to revisit our history and other school textbooks to ensure that they reflect the cultural, religious, ethnic and linguistic diversity of the nation.
The conservative North and South must know that women in the North-East comparatively enjoy much more freedom and it reflects in their interactions with the opposite gender as well. Their morals should not be judged by their attire.
Another major step would be to ensure a wider national representation in the police forces of the metro cities which would reflect the diversity of the city’s population. An inclusive police force can not only instill a sense of security among all denizens but also inculcate better sensitisation and acceptance of diversity within police forces.
Apart from creating awareness on the issue, the media, including the advertising industry, should reflect representatives of all ethnic groups in their campaigns, while electronic media should make a concerted effort to recruit people from the region.
Bollywood and television serial producers too can help in removing such stereotype images. After all, Danny Denzongpa, R D Burman, S D Burman, Bhupen Hazarika and among Gen Next Ria and Raima Sen nee Deb Barman (their father is from Tripura) have made immense contribution to the tinsel town since good old days.
Not that have there not been efforts to build bridges of understanding between the North-East and the other parts of the country, but the attempts that have been made are few and far between. Few Gandhians, some Hindi activists, initiatives such as Ekal Vidyalaya, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Rama-krishna Mission, Global Foundation for Civilizational Harmony (India), My Home India, cultural centres of the Union Government and even State-controlled media, have been contributing their bit in this direction.
Thanks to institutions such as Vivekananda Kendra, which run a network of about three dozen schools across states such as Arunachal Pradesh and inculcates patriotism and other traditional and cultural values among the students, the youth in Arunachal are not only literate but also nationalists to the core. The recent three day ‘Vijay Hi Vijay’ programme, which witnessed participation from about 500 students from far flung areas of the State at the Vivekananda Kendra Vidyalaya at Nirjuli, was a testimony to the monumental work being undertaken by such organisations.
But there should be more civil society initiatives to bridge the ever widening chasm between the North East and the rest of the country. Our ‘friends’ on both sides of the border are always on the look out for opportunities to fish in troubled waters.
On their part, the people from the North-East would also do well not to remain isolated and ghettoised in their own small ethnic and provincial cocoons in large cities. They should shed any persecution complex and avoid labelling each and every law and order incident involving any one of them as an instance of racial discrimination.
When we condemn all forms of racial profiling of Indians in the West, we have absolutely no moral right to practice the same in our own backyard. Instead of seeking to impose an artificial uniformity, let us learn to accept and celebrate our diversity, which is also our greatest strength.
(The author is Senior Fellow and Editor at the Vivekananda International Foundation)
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